The ancestors of the Wei family descended from Bi Gonggao. Bi Gonggao shared the same surname as the Zhou Son of Heaven. After King Wu’s campaign against King Zhou, Gonggao was enfeoffed at Bi, and thus he adopted Bi as his surname. Over time, his descendants relinquished their noble titles and became commoners, with some remaining in the Central Plains while others were scattered among foreign tribes. One of his descendants, Bi Wan, served Duke Xian of Jin.
In the 16th year of Duke Xian of Jin’s reign (661 BC), Zhao Su drove a chariot while Bi Wan guarded the right side. They marched forth to subdue the states of Huo, Geng, and Wei, vanquishing them entirely. Duke Xian granted the fief of Geng to Zhao Su and Wei to Bi Wan, elevating both men to the rank of daifu (noble minister). The diviner, Bu Yan, remarked, “Bi Wan’s progeny shall be exceedingly prosperous. ‘Wan’ signifies completeness; ‘Wei’ is a name of grandeur. To bestow such a title at the outset is clearly the favor of Heaven. What the Son of Heaven governs is termed the multitude, while that which the feudal lords oversee is numbered in the tens of thousands. Now, as you bear a grand title followed by a symbol of plenitude, you will assuredly command the people.” Earlier, when Bi Wan divined the fortunes of serving the Jin ruler, he obtained the Zhun hexagram transforming into the Bi hexagram. Xin Liao deduced, “It portends auspiciousness. The Zhun hexagram signifies solidity, and the Bi hexagram denotes integration; what could be more propitious? The future shall be one of flourishing prosperity.”
Eleven years after Bi Wan’s enfeoffment, Duke Xian of Jin passed away, and his four sons quarreled for the throne, plunging Jin into civil strife. Meanwhile, Bi Wan’s descendants multiplied and, taking the name of their state, became known as the Wei family. Bi Wan fathered Wuzi, who, as one among many sons of the Wei clan, served the Jin prince Chong’er. In the 21st year of Duke Xian’s reign, Wei Wuzi accompanied Chong’er into exile. Nineteen years later, upon their return, Chong’er ascended as Duke Wen of Jin. He granted Wei Wuzi the hereditary fief of the Wei lineage, elevating him to the rank of daifu, with his seat established at Wei Yi. Wei Wuzi begot Daozi.
Daozi relocated the seat of government to Huo Yi, and he fathered Wei Jiang.
Wei Jiang served Duke Dao of Jin. In the 3rd year of Duke Dao’s reign (570 BC), during an alliance meeting of feudal lords, Duke Dao’s younger brother, Yang Gan, disrupted the formation. In response, Wei Jiang killed one of Yang Gan’s servants to rebuke his insolence. An incensed Duke Dao exclaimed, “An assembly of feudal lords is a matter of honor; to witness my brother being insulted in this manner is intolerable!” and prepared to execute Wei Jiang. Only after counsel from others did Duke Dao relent. In time, Wei Jiang was entrusted with the administration of the state, and he was dispatched to cultivate amicable relations with the Rong and Di tribes. Henceforth, these tribes aligned themselves with Jin. In the 11th year of Duke Dao’s reign, the duke declared, “Since I have appointed you, in these eight years and across nine alliance meetings, the Rong and Di have forged friendly ties with us—all owing to your endeavors!” Bestowed with musical instruments and a band, Wei Jiang declined the honors thrice before ultimately accepting them. He subsequently moved his administrative seat to Anyi. After his death, he was posthumously styled as Zhaozi. His son was Wei Ying, who in turn begot Wei Xianzǐ.
Wei Xianzǐ served Duke Zhao of Jin. Following Duke Zhao’s death, the six ministers of Jin grew powerful while the ruling house waned.
In the 12th year of Duke Qing of Jin (514 BC), as Han Xuánzi retired, Wei Xianzǐ assumed the governance of the state. The Jin clans Qi and Yangshe exchanged slander, prompting the six ministers to execute them and confiscate all their fiefs, dividing the lands into ten counties. Each minister appointed his own son as daifu in one of these counties. Wei Xianzǐ concurrently served as one of the ministers alongside Zhao Jiánzi, Zhonghang Wénzi, and Fan Xianzǐ.
Fourteen years later, Confucius served as chancellor in the state of Lu. Another four years passed when, amidst the turmoil in Jinyang, Zhao Jiánzi, in concert with the Han and Wei clans, attacked the Fan and Zhonghang factions. Wei Xianzǐ begot Wei Chǐ, who, alongside Zhao Yǎng, assailed the Fan and Zhonghang clans.
The grandson of Wei Chǐ was Wei Huánzi, who, together with Han Kāngzi and Zhao Xiāngzi, waged campaigns to suppress and annihilate Zhibo, thereafter partitioning his territory.
The grandson of Huánzi was Wenhou Wei Sī. In the first year of Duke Wen’s reign (424 BC)—coinciding with the first year of Duke Ling of Qin—Duke Wen of Wei reigned concurrently with Han Wǔzi, Zhao Huánzi, and King Weilie of Zhou.
In the 6th year of Wenhou’s reign, he constructed a city at Shaoliang. In the 13th year, he dispatched his son to repel besiegers at the towns of Fan and Pang, relocating the inhabitants. In the 16th year, he launched an offensive against Qin, establishing cities at Linjin and Yuanli.
In the 17th year of his reign, he vanquished the state of Zhongshan and sent his son Ziji to station troops there, with Zhao Cāngtáng appointed as his assistant. While at Chaoge, Ziji encountered Wenhou’s teacher, Tian Zifang. Ziji yielded his chariot to allow passage and dismounted to pay his respects; yet Tian Zifang, offering no return salutation, was asked by Ziji, “Is it the affluent who behave arrogantly, or the impoverished?” Tian Zifang replied, “It is indeed the impoverished who exhibit such haughtiness. For if feudal lords behave arrogantly, they forfeit their fiefs; if ministers are haughty, they lose their households. Those of low station, if they cannot find congeniality or have their counsel disregarded, depart for Chu or Yue—just as one would discard worn-out sandals. How, then, can they be likened to the dignified?” Discontented, Ziji departed. Advancing westward against Qin, he reached Zheng before returning, and subsequently erected fortifications at Luoyin and Heyang.
In the 22nd year of Marquis Wen’s reign (403 BC), the states of Wei, Zhao, and Han were acknowledged as feudal lords.
In the 24th year, the Qin army embarked on an expedition against Wei, advancing as far as Yanghu.
In the 25th year, Ziji sired Zi Ying (pronounced “Ying”).
Marquis Wen, who studied the classics under Zixia, accorded Duan Ganmu the dignified treatment reserved for honored guests; whenever Duan traversed his territory, he was invariably greeted with a respectful salute.
At one time, the state of Qin contemplated an assault on Wei. It was remarked, “The ruler of Wei esteems the virtuous; his benevolence is extolled by all his subjects, and harmony prevails from top to bottom—no one could possibly harbor designs against him.” Owing to this reputation, Marquis Wen garnered the acclaim of the feudal lords.
He appointed Ximen Bao as the governor of Ye Commandery, thereby earning Henei a reputation for tranquility and order.
Marquis Wen then addressed Li Ke:
“You once counseled me, ‘When a household is impoverished, one ought to seek a virtuous wife; when a state is in turmoil, a wise minister is indispensable.’ Now, as I must select a prime minister, my choices are either Cheng Zi or Zhai Huang. What is your assessment of these two?”
Li Ke replied, “I have heard that the humble do not scheme for the noble, and those estranged do not plan for those close at hand. My duty lies outside the palace gates; I dare not undertake such a charge.”
Undeterred, the Marquis insisted, “Sir, do not decline this matter.”
Li Ke then expounded, “It is precisely because you have not scrutinized them closely. In times of ease, observe whom they befriend; in prosperity, whom they associate with; in renown, whom they endorse; in adversity, what deeds they eschew; and in hardship, what they refuse to accept. These five principles suffice to determine the proper candidate for prime minister—there is no need for further intervention on my part.”
Marquis Wen declared, “Return to your home, for I have already resolved upon my prime minister.”
Li Ke hastened to the residence of Zhai Huang, whereupon Zhai Huang inquired, “Today I heard that the sovereign summoned you to deliberate on the appointment of the prime minister. Who has been chosen?”
Li Ke answered, “Wei Cheng Zi has been designated as prime minister.”
Visibly incensed, Zhai Huang retorted, “Based solely on what the senses reveal, in what respect am I any inferior to Wei Cheng Zi? I was the one who recommended the commander of the Xihe garrison; when the sovereign was most anxious about Ye Commandery in the heartland, I proposed Ximen Bao; when plans were laid to attack Zhongshan, I advocated for Leyang; after Zhongshan was subdued and no one was available to govern it, I suggested you, sir; and when the sovereign’s son lacked a mentor, I recommended Qu Hou Fu. In what respect am I inferior to Wei Cheng Zi?”
Li Ke responded, “Are you suggesting that by endorsing my candidacy, you seek to engage in factional intrigues for personal aggrandizement? When the sovereign queried, ‘Is it Cheng Zi or Zhai Huang—what say you of these two?’ I replied, ‘It is because you have not observed them attentively: in ease, consider with whom they associate; in prosperity, whom they befriend; in prominence, whom they endorse; in misfortune, what deeds they shun; and in destitution, what they decline. These five tenets are sufficient to decide the matter, rendering my counsel superfluous.’ Thus, it became evident that Wei Cheng Zi was to be prime minister. How then can you compare yourself with him? Wei Cheng Zi receives an annual stipend of a thousand measures, nine-tenths of which is expended on external affairs and only one-tenth reserved for household use; consequently, he recruited Bu Zixia, Tian Zifang, and Duan Ganmu from the East—three men whom the sovereign esteemed as his mentors. Meanwhile, the five individuals you recommended were all appointed as his ministers. How then can you equate yourself with Wei Cheng Zi?”
After a moment of hesitation and dejection, Zhai Huang bowed and said, “I, Zhai Huang, am but superficial in my judgment and have spoken inaptly; I am content to remain your lifelong disciple.”
In the 26th year of Marquis Wen’s reign, Mount Guo collapsed, obstructing the course of the Yellow River.
In the 32nd year, the Wei army attacked the state of Zheng—erecting a fortress at Suanzao and, at Zhucheng, defeating the Qin forces. In the 35th year, the Qi army occupied Xiangling in Wei; and in the 36th year, the Qin army invaded Yinjin within Wei.
In the 38th year, the Wei army attacked Qin but was repelled at Wuxia, resulting in the capture of the Qin general Shi. That same year, Marquis Wen passed away, and his son Ziji ascended the throne, becoming known as Marquis Wu.
In the first year of Marquis Wu’s reign (386 BC), Duke Jing of Zhao had just ascended, while Prince Shuo instigated a rebellion that ultimately failed; he fled to Wei and, joining its army, attacked Handan—only to retreat after the Wei forces were defeated.
In the second year, fortifications were constructed at Anyi and Wangyuan.
In the seventh year, the Wei army advanced against Qi, reaching as far as Sangqiu. In the ninth year, the Di tribes vanquished the Wei forces at Huishui. The Wei ruler then dispatched Wu Qi to attack Qi, advancing to Lingqiu, coinciding with the recent accession of King Wei of Qi.
In the 11th year (376 BC) of Marquis Wu’s reign, the states of Wei, Han, and Zhao partitioned the territories of Jin and eradicated its descendants.
In the 13th year, Duke Xian of Qin relocated his capital to Liyang; and in the 15th year, the Wei army defeated the Zhao forces at Beilin.
In the 16th year, the Wei army attacked the state of Chu and seized Luyang. That same year, Marquis Wu passed away, and his son, Zi Ying, ascended the throne—subsequently known as King Hui.
The First Year of King Hui (370 BCE):
At the time of Marquis Wu’s passing, a succession dispute arose between his sons, Ying and Gongzhong Huan. Gongsun Qi, having traveled from the State of Song to Zhao, and later to Han, advised Marquis Yi of Han:
“You must have heard of the struggle between Wei Ying and Gongzhong Huan for the throne. Now, with Wang Cuo as his counselor and control over Shangdang, Wei Ying essentially holds half the state. This is a rare opportunity—eliminating him now would guarantee the defeat of Wei. We must not let this chance slip by.”
Marquis Yi was delighted and formed an alliance with Marquis Cheng of Zhao to launch an attack on Wei. The armies clashed at Zhuoze, resulting in a crushing defeat for Wei. The Wei ruler found himself besieged.
Marquis Zhao then proposed to Marquis Han:
“Let us eliminate the Wei ruler and install Gongzhong Huan as king. If we extract territorial concessions, we can then withdraw our forces. This move would serve our interests well.”
Marquis Han, however, dissented:
“That would be unwise. Killing the Wei ruler would brand us as ruthless; extorting land for our withdrawal would paint us as greedy. A better course of action would be to divide Wei in two. A fractured Wei, weaker than even Song or Wey, would never pose a threat to us again.”
Marquis Zhao refused to heed this advice. Dissatisfied, Marquis Han withdrew his forces under the cover of night. Consequently, the Wei ruler survived, and the state remained intact—solely because Han and Zhao could not agree on a strategy. Had they acted in unison, Wei would have been permanently split. This episode stands as a testament to the peril a kingdom faces when a monarch dies without a clear successor.
Subsequent Years of King Hui’s Reign:
Year 2: The Wei army triumphed over Han at Maling and routed Zhao’s forces at Huaiyi.
Year 3: The Qi army defeated Wei at Guancheng.
Year 5: King Wei met with Marquis Han at Zhaiyang and constructed the fortress of Wudu. However, the Wei army suffered a defeat at the hands of Qin.
Year 6: Wei seized Yitai from the State of Song.
Year 9: At Huai River, the Wei forces crushed the Han army. Meanwhile, a battle at Shaoliang saw Qin capturing Wei’s general, Gongsun Cuo, and seizing Pangcheng. That same year, Duke Xian of Qin passed away, and his son, Duke Xiao, ascended the throne.
Year 10: Wei forces conquered Pilaox, a Zhao stronghold. A comet appeared in the sky.
Year 12: A meteor fell during the daytime with an audible crash.
Year 14: King Wei convened with Marquis Zhao at Hao.
Year 15: The rulers of Lu, Wey, Song, and Zheng paid tribute to King Hui of Wei.
Year 16: King Hui met Duke Xiao of Qin at Duping. Wei occupied Huangchi, a Song territory, though Song later reclaimed it.
Year 17: Wei engaged Qin at Yuanli, resulting in Qin’s capture of Shaoliang. Meanwhile, the Wei army besieged Handan, the capital of Zhao.
Year 18: Wei successfully captured Handan. In desperation, Zhao sought aid from Qi. The Qi generals Tian Ji and Sun Bin led a relief force, crushing Wei at Guiling.
Year 19: Allied states besieged Xiangling, a key Wei stronghold. In response, Wei reinforced its defenses by constructing the Great Wall, turning Guyang into a strategic fortress.
Year 20: Wei returned Handan to Zhao. King Wei and Marquis Zhao forged an alliance at the banks of the Zhang River.
Year 21: King Wei convened with the ruler of Qin at Tong. That same year, Marquis Cheng of Zhao passed away.
Year 28: King Wei of Qi died. The ruler of Zhongshan was appointed as Chancellor of Wei.
Year 30: Wei launched an offensive against Zhao, prompting Zhao to seek Qi’s assistance. King Xuan of Qi, employing Sun Bin’s strategy, counterattacked Wei, forcing its retreat. Wei, in response, mobilized a massive force under Pang Juan, appointing Crown Prince Shen as supreme commander.
As the army passed through Waihuang, Xu Zi, a scholar of the region, approached Prince Shen and offered him a strategy for guaranteed victory.
“If you personally lead the army against Qi, even in the event of total victory, your reward will be no greater than ruling Wei as king. However, should you fail, your descendants will lose their claim to the throne forever. This is my strategy for assured victory.”
Prince Shen hesitated but ultimately agreed, expressing his intent to withdraw. However, Xu Zi warned him:
“Even if you wish to retreat now, you may not be able to. Too many advisors stand to gain from urging you into battle.”
Indeed, when the prince expressed his desire to return, his charioteer objected:
“If the supreme commander leads an army only to turn back, it is no different from suffering a defeat.”
Thus, Prince Shen pressed on, engaging Qi at Maling. The battle ended in catastrophe—Qi forces annihilated the Wei army, capturing Prince Shen and executing Pang Juan.
Year 31: Qin, Zhao, and Qi jointly launched an invasion against Wei. The Qin general Shang Yang deceived and captured Wei’s general, Prince Ang, before turning against his army and inflicting a devastating defeat upon Wei.
Seeing Qin’s rising power in the east and persistent attacks from Qi and Zhao, Wei, realizing its vulnerability, relocated its capital from Anyi to Daliang. Prince He was established as the new crown prince.
Year 33: Duke Xiao of Qin passed away. Shang Yang, fleeing from Qin, sought refuge in Wei, but the Wei court, harboring resentment, refused him asylum.
Year 35: King Wei and King Xuan of Qi convened south of Pingyang.
King Hui suffered repeated military defeats, prompting him to employ humility and generous gifts to attract wise and capable men. As a result, Zou Yan, Chunyu Kun, and Meng Ke (Mencius) came to the state of Wei.
King Hui of Liang (Wei) said, “I am a ruler of limited ability. My army has suffered three consecutive defeats on foreign soil. My crown prince was taken captive, my top general perished in battle, and my country has been left vulnerable. This has brought disgrace to my ancestors’ temples and the state. I am deeply ashamed. Now that you have graced my court with your presence, what strategies can you offer to benefit my kingdom?”
Mencius replied, “Your Majesty should not speak of benefits in this manner. If the ruler prioritizes personal gain, then his ministers will do the same; if the ministers seek profit, so too will the common people. When everyone from the highest ranks to the lowest chases after self-interest, the nation will fall into peril. A sovereign should rule with benevolence and righteousness—why concern yourself with mere profit?”
In the 36th year of King Hui’s reign, he met with the King of Qi at Zhen City. That same year, King Hui passed away, and his son ascended the throne as King Xiang.
In the first year of King Xiang’s reign (334 BCE), he convened a summit with the other feudal lords in Xuzhou, where they mutually acknowledged each other as kings. He posthumously honored his father as King Hui.
In the fifth year of his reign, the Qin army defeated Wei’s general Long Jia at Diaoyin, annihilating 45,000 troops. They then besieged Jiao City and Quwo, forcing Wei to cede its western territories to Qin.
In the sixth year, King Xiang met with the King of Qin at Yingcheng. The Qin army seized Wei’s territories of Fenyin, Pishi, and Jiao City. Meanwhile, the Wei army launched an expedition against Chu, emerging victorious at Xing Mountain.
In the seventh year, Wei surrendered Shang Commandery entirely to Qin. The Qin forces then occupied Puyang. By the eighth year, however, Qin returned Jiao City and Quwo to Wei.
In the twelfth year, Chu defeated Wei’s forces at Xiangling. That same year, the chief ministers of various states convened with Qin’s Prime Minister Zhang Yi at Niesang.
In the thirteenth year, Zhang Yi became Prime Minister of Wei. Around this time, an unusual phenomenon occurred in Wei—a woman transformed into a man. Meanwhile, Qin forces captured Wei’s cities of Quwo and Pingzhou.
In the sixteenth year, King Xiang passed away, and his son ascended the throne as King Ai. Zhang Yi subsequently returned to Qin.
In the first year of King Ai’s reign (318 BCE), a coalition of five states launched an offensive against Qin, but they failed and withdrew.
In the second year, Qi forces defeated the Wei army at Guanjin.
In the fifth year, Qin’s General Chuli Zi captured Quwo from Wei and routed Wei’s commander Xishou Gongsun Yan at Anmen.
In the sixth year, Qin sent envoys to Wei to install Prince Zheng as the crown prince. The Wei king and Qin king met at Linjin.
In the seventh year, Wei launched an attack on Qi and, in alliance with Qin, campaigned against Yan.
In the eighth year, Wei waged war on the state of Wey, seizing two cities. The ruler of Wey grew deeply troubled. A Wei official named Ru Er visited the Lord of Wey, saying, “Allow me to negotiate Wei’s withdrawal and secure the dismissal of Lord Chengling—would that satisfy you?” The Lord of Wey responded, “If you can achieve this, I pledge that my descendants will serve you and your family for generations.”
Ru Er then met Lord Chengling and said, “Previously, Wei besieged Zhao, cutting off Yangchang Pass and capturing Eyu, intending to split Zhao in two. However, Zhao survived because Wei was the leader of the Vertical Alliance. Now, Wey stands on the brink of destruction and is preparing to seek Qin’s protection. Rather than letting Qin rescue Wey, why not have Wei show mercy instead? This way, Wey will be eternally grateful to Wei.”
Lord Chengling agreed.
Ru Er then met with King Ai of Wei and said, “I have just met the Lord of Wey. Though Wey is a small state, it is a branch of the Zhou royal family and possesses many treasures. Even in its dire situation, it has yet to offer these valuables. Why? Because they believe the decision to attack or spare Wey is not in your hands. Even if they present treasures, they fear they won’t reach you. I suspect that those who first proposed sparing Wey were bribed by them.”
After Ru Er left, Lord Chengling approached the Wei king and, following Ru Er’s advice, pleaded his case. King Ai, swayed by the argument, withdrew his troops from Wey and simultaneously dismissed Lord Chengling, never to see him again.
In the ninth year, King Ai met the Qin king at Linjin. Zhang Yi and Wei Zhang both pledged allegiance to Wei. Around this time, Wei’s Prime Minister Tian Xu passed away.
Fearing that Zhang Yi, Xishou, or Xue Gong might assume the position, the Prime Minister of Chu, Zhao Yu, sought the counsel of Su Dai.
Zhao Yu said, “With Tian Xu dead, I fear one of these three will become Wei’s Prime Minister.”
Su Dai asked, “Who would best serve your interests in that role?”
Zhao Yu replied, “I want the crown prince of Wei to assume the position himself.”
Su Dai responded, “Allow me to travel north, and I will make it happen.”
Zhao Yu asked, “How will you do it?”
Su Dai answered, “You must first assume the role of King of Liang, so I may persuade King Liang.”
Zhao Yu inquired, “What will you say?”
Su Dai explained, “I will tell him: ‘I come from Chu, and Zhao Yu is deeply concerned. He fears that Zhang Yi, Xishou, or Xue Gong may become Prime Minister of Wei.’
I will then say, ‘King Liang is a wise ruler and would never appoint Zhang Yi, who favors Qin; nor Xishou, who leans toward Han; nor Xue Gong, who aligns with Qi. None of them would benefit Wei.’
When King Liang asks, ‘Then whom should I appoint?’ I will answer, ‘It would be best for the crown prince to assume the role himself. With him in charge, these three men will view his tenure as temporary and will strive to have their respective states serve Wei in the hopes of securing the position for themselves. With Wei’s strength bolstered by the support of three major states, the kingdom will be secure. Therefore, the best choice is for the crown prince to take the role himself.’”
Su Dai then traveled north to Wei and relayed this argument to King Ai, who ultimately appointed the crown prince as Prime Minister.
In the tenth year of King Ai’s reign, Zhang Yi passed away. In the eleventh year, the King of Wei and King Wu of Qin met at Yingcheng. The following year, the Crown Prince of Wei traveled to Qin to pay homage. When the Qin army advanced against the Pi clan of Wei, they failed to secure their objective and withdrew. In the fourteenth year, Qin sent back King Wu’s queen to Wei. In the sixteenth year, Qin forces captured the Wei strongholds of Pu Fan, Yangjin, and Fengling. The next year, the kings of Wei and Qin met at Linjin, where Qin restored Pu Fan to Wei. In the eighteenth year, Wei and Qin joined forces to attack Chu, and in the twenty-first year a coalition of Wei, Qi, and Han troops defeated the Qin army at Hangu Pass.
In the twenty-third year of King Ai’s reign, Qin again returned the territories beyond the river as well as Fengling to Wei, thereby making peace. King Ai soon died, and his son ascended the throne as King Zhao.
In the first year of King Zhao’s reign (295 BC), the Qin army occupied Xiangcheng in Wei. In the second year, Wei forces clashed with the Qin army and suffered defeat. In the third year, when Wei aided Han in an offensive against Qin, the formidable Qin general Bai Qi routed 240,000 combined Han–Wei troops at Yique. In the sixth year, Wei ceded 400 li (approximately 130 miles) of territory in the east of the river to Qin. Mangmao, renowned for his ingenious use of stratagems, was held in high esteem by Wei. In the seventh year, Qin captured a total of 61 Wei towns and cities. In the eighth year, King Zhao of Qin personally assumed the title “Western Emperor,” while King Min of Qi declared himself “Eastern Emperor”; however, after a little over a month, both rulers reverted to their kingly titles and abandoned the imperial designation. In the ninth year, Qin forces seized the Wei cities of Xinyuan and Quyang.
In the tenth year of King Zhao’s reign, the state of Qi annihilated Song—the Song king perishing at Wenyi in Wei. Two years later, Wei, in alliance with Qin, Zhao, Han, and Yan, waged war against Qi; in Jixi they defeated the Qi army, compelling King Min of Qi to flee. Meanwhile, the Yan army advanced independently into Linzi, and subsequently the kings of Wei and Qin met in the state of Xizhou.
In the thirteenth year, the Qin army captured the Wei city of Ancheng; their forces reached as far as Daliang before withdrawing. In the eighteenth year, Qin troops seized Ying—the capital of Chu—prompting the Chu king to relocate his capital to Chencheng.
In the nineteenth year, King Zhao died, and his son ascended the throne as King Anxi (pronounced “Xi”).
In the first year of King Anxi’s reign (276 BC), Qin forces captured two Wei cities. In the second year, they seized two additional cities; while their army besieged Daliang, Han dispatched reinforcements to aid Wei—ultimately ceding Wenyi to Qin in a bid for peace. In the third year, Qin captured four Wei cities and executed 40,000 men. In the fourth year, Qin defeated the combined armies of Wei, Han, and Zhao, killing 150,000 and forcing the retreat of the Wei general Mangmao. At this juncture, the Wei general Duan Ganzi petitioned to cede Nanyang to Qin in order to negotiate peace. Su Dai then addressed the Wei king, saying,
“It is Duan Ganzi who covets promotion, while Qin yearns for territory. By entrusting the seals of office to those who desire land and awarding command of territory to those who seek advancement, Your Majesty risks divesting Wei of its very soil—and thus its future. Moreover, serving Qin with land is akin to trying to quench a raging fire with unburned kindling; until the kindling is consumed, the flames will not die.”
The Wei king replied, “That is certainly so; yet, the course of events has already been set in motion and cannot be altered.” Su Dai retorted,
“Your Majesty, you have never witnessed a gambler who cherishes his tokens—one who seizes the opponent’s pieces when fortune favors him and refrains when it does not. Now that you claim the matter is irreversible, your stratagems prove no more effective than a gambler’s reliance on his tokens.”
In the ninth year of King Anxi’s reign, the Qin army captured Wei’s Huaiyi. In the tenth year, the Qin crown prince—who had been held as a hostage in Wei—died, and in the eleventh year Qin forces seized the Wei city of Qiqiu.
At this point, King Zhao of Qin addressed his attendant ministers, asking, “Compared with their nascent state, at what stage do the states of Han and Wei stand now?” They replied, “They are not as robust as they were in their early days.” He then inquired, “And who is more capable now—the likes of Ruer and Weiqi, or the venerable figures of old, Lord Mengchang and Mangmao?” They answered, “Ruer and Weiqi are inferior to Lord Mengchang and Mangmao.” The king continued, “Even with the exemplary talent of Lord Mengchang and Mangmao, who once led the formidable armies of Han and Wei against Qin, they have failed to affect me in any significant manner. Now, if the inept Ruer and Weiqi lead the feeble forces of Han and Wei against Qin, it is patently clear they could not threaten me.” All the ministers concurred, exclaiming, “Absolutely.” Yet one minister, leaning on his zither, offered a dissenting view:
“Your Majesty, your assessment of the international situation is mistaken. Recall that when the six chancellors of Jin wielded power, the Zhi clan was preeminent—they annihilated the Fan and Zhonghang clans and led the combined armies of Han and Wei in besieging Zhao Xiangzi at Jinyang. They even dammed the Jin River to inundate Jinyang, leaving only a scant remnant of the city above water. When Zhibo surveyed the rising waters, he observed Wei Huanzi driving a chariot with Han Kangzi attending on the right, and remarked, ‘I never knew that water could raze a state, but now I see its might.’ Since the Jin River could flood Jinyang, surely the Fen River could submerge Wei’s capital at Anyi, and the Jiang River inundate Han’s capital at Pingyang. In a subtle exchange, Wei Huanzi nudged Han Kangzi with an elbow, and Han Kangzi responded with a foot tap; their covert signals led to the partitioning of the Zhi clan’s territories, the death of Zhibo, and the ruin of his state—a tale now ridiculed throughout the land. Presently, although the Qin army is relatively strong, it cannot match the might of the ancient Zhi clan; and although Han and Wei may be weaker, they still surpass their condition during the siege of Jinyang. Now is the time for them to conspire in secret, aligning their interests as subtly as elbow to elbow. Your Majesty, do not underestimate the complexity of the situation!”
At these words, the Qin king was visibly perturbed.
The states of Qi and Chu formed an alliance to attack Wei. In response, Wei sent emissaries to Qin, beseeching military aid. However, despite the continuous stream of envoys, Qin’s reinforcements remained absent.
Among the people of Wei was an elderly man named Tang Sui, who was over ninety years old. He approached the King of Wei and said, “Your Majesty, I request permission to travel west and persuade the King of Qin. I assure you that Qin’s troops will be dispatched before I even depart from their kingdom.” The King of Wei, deeply moved, bowed twice in gratitude and promptly arranged for Tang Sui’s journey.
Upon arriving in Qin, Tang Sui entered the royal palace and paid his respects to King Zhao of Qin. The king, observing his guest’s advanced age, remarked, “You have endured great hardship traveling such a distance. Wei has petitioned for aid multiple times—I am well aware of their plight.”
Tang Sui replied, “Since Your Majesty acknowledges Wei’s dire situation yet has not sent reinforcements, I can only assume that your advisors have failed in their counsel. Wei, a nation capable of fielding ten thousand chariots, has long paid homage to Qin, recognizing it as a dominant power. We have accepted the garments and insignia granted by Qin, and we offer tribute each spring and autumn—all because of Qin’s strength as our ally.
Yet now, with the armies of Qi and Chu already converging outside our capital, Qin remains idle. Does Your Majesty believe that Wei has not yet reached the brink of disaster? If Wei’s crisis deepens, we may be forced to cede territory and join the Vertical Alliance. By then, what would be the purpose of aiding us? Delaying intervention until Wei is on the verge of collapse will only result in losing a vassal state while strengthening two rival powers—Qi and Chu. What benefit does Your Majesty see in this?”
His words struck a chord with King Zhao, who immediately ordered his troops to march in defense of Wei. Only then was Wei stabilized.
Later, the state of Zhao sent envoys to the King of Wei, offering seventy miles of land in exchange for the execution of Fan Cuo. The King of Wei agreed and dispatched officials to arrest Fan Cuo, surrounding his residence, though he had not yet been executed.
Seeing the imminent threat to his life, Fan Cuo climbed onto his rooftop and addressed the envoys, saying, “Rather than using my death as a bargaining chip, would it not be wiser to negotiate while I am still alive? If you kill me, yet Zhao reneges on its promise, what will Your Majesty do then? It would be prudent to secure the territorial agreement before executing me.”
The King of Wei acknowledged his reasoning. Meanwhile, Fan Cuo secretly wrote to Lord Xinling, warning him: “I was once the Chancellor of Wei, yet now the king has agreed to my execution merely to appease Zhao. If Qin were to employ the same tactics against you, how would you fare?”
Alarmed by this, Lord Xinling intervened with the King of Zhao, successfully securing Fan Cuo’s release.
In gratitude for Qin’s past military aid, the King of Wei sought to further align himself with Qin, planning to attack Han in an attempt to reclaim lost territory. However, Lord Xinling cautioned him:
“The people of Qin share the customs of the Di and Rong tribes—barbaric and predatory, with hearts like those of tigers and wolves. They are rapacious, ruthless, and care only for profit, devoid of integrity or virtue. If it benefits them, they will even betray their own kin, like wild beasts. The entire world knows this.
Look at their history—when have they ever shown lasting benevolence? The Grand Dowager, mother of the King of Qin, died of sorrow. Marquis Rang, the king’s uncle and once the most meritorious of all Qin’s officials, was cast out. His two younger brothers, innocent of any crime, were stripped of their lands. If this is how Qin treats its own family, how much worse will they treat a foreign state like ours?
Your Majesty’s alliance with Qin against Han only draws the calamity of Qin closer to our doorstep. If you do not recognize this, then you lack wisdom. If your ministers have failed to bring this matter to your attention, then they have failed in their duty.
Han is already teetering on the edge of collapse—its ruler a mere child, its affairs controlled by a woman, its internal strife rampant. Can such a nation avoid destruction? And when Han falls, Qin will absorb the former territory of Zheng, bringing its borders directly to the doorstep of our capital, Daliang. Can Your Majesty truly believe this will bring stability?
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You wish to reclaim lost lands by strengthening ties with Qin, but does Your Majesty truly think this will work in your favor?
Qin is not a nation that remains content within its own borders. Once Han is vanquished, it will seek its next conquest, and it will choose its target based on what is easiest and most advantageous. But it will not choose to attack Chu or Zhao—why?
To march over the Taihang Mountains and cross the Yellow River to strike Zhao through Shangdang would only repeat the disastrous defeat at Eyu—Qin will not take that risk. If they were to traverse the rivers and plains, challenging Zhao at Handan, they would face a catastrophe akin to that of Zhibo, a fate they dare not repeat.
As for attacking Chu, they would need to cross She Valley, march three thousand miles, and lay siege to Ming’e Pass. The distance is too vast, and the terrain too treacherous—Qin will not make such a move. Nor will they attack Wei or Qi outright.
Once Han falls, there will be no other target left but Wei itself.
Qin already holds key strategic positions: Huaiyi, Maoyi, and Xingqiu. If they fortify the crossings at Guijin, our strongholds in Gongcheng and Jiyi will be at grave risk. With their control over the former lands of Zheng, they could seize Yuanyong and flood the plains of Yingze, drowning Daliang itself.
Your envoys have already made diplomatic missteps in Qin, even slandering the Anling clan. Qin has long desired to exterminate them. If Your Majesty allows this slander to take its course and the Anling clan falls, Qin’s army will bypass Wuyang to the north and press eastward toward the ruins of the former Xu state. The south will be in peril—can Wei afford such a crisis?”
It may be acceptable to detest Korea and harbor no affection for Lady Anling, but it would be a grave mistake not to be concerned about Qin’s ambitions towards the South. In the past, when Qin held the lands west of the Yellow River, which were once part of Jin’s territory, they stood a thousand li away from Daliang, separated by the river and mountains, with Zhou and Han acting as barriers. Since the Battle of Linxiang up until now, Qin has launched seven campaigns against Wei, breaching our defenses five times, sacking cities, destroying Wentai and Chui, felling forests, decimating wildlife, and besieging our capital. Qin’s forces have since advanced north of Daliang, reaching the outskirts of Tao and Wei to the east, and Pingjian to the north. The territories lost to Qin include both sides of the mountains and beyond the Yellow River, encompassing dozens of major counties and hundreds of renowned cities. Even when Qin was still a thousand li away in their former Jin territories, the threat they posed was already palpable. How much more perilous will it be if Qin conquers Han and seizes Zheng’s old domains, without any natural barriers or buffer states between them and Daliang, merely a hundred li apart? Catastrophe looms ever closer.
Previously, the coalition failed due to mutual distrust between Chu and Wei, and the impossibility of securing Han’s allegiance. However, after three years of warfare, Han, aware of its impending doom, refused to submit and instead sent hostages to Zhao, pledging to lead the vassal states against Qin. Knowing Qin’s insatiable appetite, Chu and Zhao will surely muster their forces. They understand that Qin will not rest until all under heaven bow before it. Therefore, I propose we embrace the coalition strategy, swiftly aligning with Chu and Zhao, leveraging Han’s hostages to secure Han’s integrity while demanding reparations. This approach will restore our territories without conflict and prove more advantageous than aiding Qin in subjugating Han, thereby avoiding the peril of having such a formidable neighbor.
By preserving Han and stabilizing Wei, we serve the interests of all. It is an opportunity bestowed upon us by fate. By opening the route from Gongcheng and Ningyi through Han’s Shangdang, passing via Ancheng, taxing merchants who traverse this path, we effectively turn Han’s Shangdang into collateral for Wei. Such revenues could enrich our nation. Han would then appreciate, love, honor, and fear Wei, ensuring loyalty and preventing rebellion, thus integrating Han into Wei as a prefecture.
With Han secured as a prefecture, Wei’s regions including Wei, Daliang, and areas beyond the Yellow River would be safeguarded. Failure to preserve Han would imperil Dongzhou and Anling, leading to Chu and Zhao’s downfall, instilling fear in Wei and Qi, ultimately compelling all states to capitulate to Qin.
In the twentieth year of King Anxi’s reign, Qin besieged Handan. Lord Xinling, Wuji, commandeered General Jin Bi’s troops to rescue Zhao, securing its safety and remaining in Zhao thereafter. Twenty-six years later, King Zhao of Qin passed away.
Thirty years into King Anxi’s reign, Wuji returned to Wei, leading a coalition of five states’ armies to defeat Qin at Hairei, expelling Qin’s general Meng Ao. At that time, Prince Zeng of Wei was held hostage in Qin. Enraged, Qin’s king sought to imprison Prince Zeng, but counsel advised sparing him to avoid further antagonism with Wei, fostering goodwill instead.
The following year marked the ascension of King Jingmin, who succeeded his father, King Anxi, upon his death. Three years later, King Jingmin died, succeeded by his son, King Jia of Wei. Meanwhile, Lord Xinling Wuji had also passed away.
In the first year of King Jingmin’s reign (242 BCE), Qin captured twenty Wei cities, establishing the Eastern Commandery. Two years on, Qin seized Qiao. Three years later, Qin took Ji. Five years hence, Qin conquered Yuan, Puyang, and Yan. Fifteen years later, King Jingmin died, succeeded by King Jia of Wei.
King Jia’s first year (227 BCE) saw the assassination attempt on Qin’s king by Yanshi Crown Prince Dan’s envoy, Jing Ke. Three years later (225 BCE), Qin flooded Daliang, capturing King Jia and ultimately extinguishing Wei, turning it into a commandery.
Historian Sima Qian remarked: Upon visiting the ruins of Daliang, locals recounted how Qin breached the city walls after flooding it for three months, leading to Wei’s surrender and subsequent demise. Many opined that Wei’s downfall stemmed from neglecting Lord Xinling. However, I believe it was divine will for Qin to unify China, rendering Wei’s efforts futile even with exceptional leadership