The progenitors of the state of Chu traced their ancestry to Gaoyang of Emperor Zhuanxu. Gaoyang was the grandson of the Yellow Emperor and the son of Changyi. Gaoyang begot Cheng, who fathered Juan Zhang, and Juan Zhang sired Chong Li. Chong Li, serving as the Keeper of Fire under Emperor Ku of the Gaoxin clan, rendered great service by illuminating the world, so much so that Emperor Ku conferred upon him the title of Zhu Rong. When the Gonggong clan instigated an insurrection, Emperor Ku commanded Chong Li to eliminate the rebels, though he did not eradicate them entirely. On the day of Geng Yin, Emperor Ku himself slew Chong Li, appointing his brother Wu Hui as Chong Li’s successor; Wu Hui too assumed the mantle of Keeper of Fire and retained the title of Zhu Rong.
Wu Hui fathered Lu Zhong, who in turn had six sons—all born through caesarean birth. The eldest was named Kunwu; the second, Can Hu; the third, Pengzu; the fourth, Huiren; the fifth bore the surname Cao; and the youngest, Ji Lian, who took the surname Mi and became the progenitor of Chu’s royal lineage. During the Xia and Shang dynasties, Kunwu served as a marquis, only to be annihilated by Tang during the era of Jie. Pengzu, likewise, held the rank of marquis during the Yin dynasty, and met his demise at its terminal stage.
Ji Lian begot Fu Ju, whose son was Xue Xiong. Over time, his descendants dwindled in prominence. Some remained in the Central Plains, others among the peripheral barbarians, their genealogies scarcely chronicled in the historical records.
During the reign of King Wen of Zhou, one branch of Ji Lian’s descendants was known as Yu Xiong. Yu Xiong, who served King Wen with the devotion of a son, died prematurely. His son, Xiong Li, sired Xiong Kuang, who in turn fathered Xiong Yi.
In the era of King Cheng of Zhou, as the monarch sought to employ the progeny of King Wen and King Wu’s meritorious ministers, Xiong Yi was enfeoffed in the territory of Chu and the barbarian lands, granted fief lands with the title of Viscount for his descendants, who bore the surname Mi and took up residence in Danyang. Alongside Lu Gong Boqin of Lu, Wei Kang’s son Mou of Wei, Marquis Xie of Jin, and Prince Lv Ji of Qi, Chu’s noble Xiong Yi served King Cheng.
Xiong Yi fathered Xiong Ai, who begot Xiong Dan, who sired Xiong Sheng. Xiong Sheng designated his brother, Xiong Yang, as his heir. Xiong Yang became the father of Xiong Qu.
Xiong Qu had three sons. In the reign of King Yi of Zhou, as the Zhou royal house waned and various feudal lords refused to pay homage to the Son of Heaven—engaging instead in mutual hostilities—Xiong Qu, enjoying the support of the peoples along the Yangtze and Han rivers, led military expeditions against Yong and Yangyue, advancing as far as the region of E. Xiong Qu declared, “In the lands of the barbarians, it is unnecessary to adhere to the appellations and posthumous names of the Central Plains.” Accordingly, he enfeoffed his eldest son, Xiong Kang, as the King of Gou Dan; his second son, Xiong Hong, as the King of E; and his youngest, Xiong Zhi Ci, as the King of Yue Zhang—all within the Chu and barbarian regions along the Yangtze. Later, during the reign of King Li of Zhou, wary of the tyrannical and brutal king’s potential attack on Chu, Xiong Qu abolished his royal title.
Xiong Qu’s successor was his eldest son, Xiong Wu Kang, who died young. Upon Xiong Qu’s passing, his second son, Xiong Zhi Hong, ascended the throne. After Xiong Zhi Hong’s demise, his brother seized power, becoming Xiong Yan. Xiong Yan begot Xiong Yong.
In 841 BC, amid internal strife instigated by the Zhou, the forces attacked King Li, who fled to Zhi. Xiong Yong died in the tenth year (837 BC), and his brother, Xiong Yan, succeeded him.
Xiong Yan passed away in the tenth year (828 BC). Xiong Yan had four sons: the eldest, Bo Shuang; the second, Zhong Xue; the third, Shu Kan; and the youngest, Ji Xun. Following Xiong Yan’s death, the eldest, Bo Shuang, assumed the throne, known henceforth as Xiong Shuang.
In the first year of Xiong Shuang’s reign (827 BC), King Xuan of Zhou ascended the throne. Xiong Shuang died in the sixth year (822 BC), prompting a contest among his three brothers. Zhong Xue died, Shu Kan fled to refuge in Pu, and the youngest, Ji Xun, ascended the throne, becoming Xiong Xun. In the sixteenth year of Xiong Xun’s reign (806 BC), Duke Huan of Zheng was newly enfeoffed at Zheng. In the twenty-second year (800 BC), Xiong Xun died, and his son Xiong E took the throne. Xiong E died in the ninth year (791 BC), succeeded by his son Xiong Yi, who came to be known as Ruo Ao.
In the twentieth year of Ruo Ao’s reign (771 BC), King You of Zhou was slain by the Quanrong, leading to the eastern migration of the Zhou capital and the emergence of Duke Xiang of Qin as a feudal lord.
In the twenty-seventh year (764 BC), Ruo Ao died, and his son Xiong Kan ascended the throne, known as Xiao Ao. Xiao Ao died in the sixth year (758 BC), and his son Xiong Xun (alternatively rendered as Fen Miao) succeeded him. In the thirteenth year of Fen Miao’s reign (745 BC), turmoil erupted in the state of Jin, owing to issues in Quwo. In the seventeenth year (741 BC), Fen Miao died. Fen Miao’s brother, Xiong Tong, slew Fen Miao’s son and took the throne—this ruler became known as King Wu of Chu.
In the seventeenth year of King Wu’s reign (724 BC), the Marquis of Quwo from the state of Jin killed Jin Xiaohou, the lord of the suzerain state. In the nineteenth year (722 BC), the brother of Duke Zheng instigated an internal revolt. In the twenty-first year (720 BC), the state of Zheng usurped the fields belonging to the Son of Heaven. In the twenty-third year (718 BC), the people of the state of Wei assassinated their own ruler, Duke Huan. In the twenty-ninth year (712 BC), the people of Lu killed their ruler, Duke Yin. In the thirty-first year (710 BC), Hua Du, the Grand Commander of Song, killed their ruler, Duke Shang.
Year 35 (706 BC). The State of Chu launched an expedition against the State of Sui. The ruler of Sui declared, “I have committed no wrongdoing.” In reply, the King of Chu stated, “I reside amid lands deemed barbarous. Today, the feudal lords have renounced royal allegiance, engaging in internecine warfare and bloodshed. Possessing an army, I intend to partake in the political affairs of the Central Plains; therefore, I request that the Zhou royal court confer upon me an exalted title.” The subjects of Sui subsequently petitioned the Zhou court on his behalf. When their entreaty was rebuffed, they returned to report the matter to Chu.
Year 37 (704 BC). In a fit of rage, Chu’s Xiong Tong proclaimed, “My ancestor, Yu Xiong—once the tutor to King Wen—died at a tender age. Although King Cheng of Zhou elevated my forefather, he granted him only the lands associated with a viscount’s title—allowing him to reside in Chu and secure the submission of the neighboring tribes—while the Zhou king refrained from bestowing any further honors. Thus, I must now assume an exalted title on my own account!” Consequently, he styled himself King Wu and, after forging an alliance with the people of Sui, withdrew his forces. Henceforth, he initiated the cultivation and occupation of the Pu territory.
Year 51 (690 BC). The Zhou king summoned the Marquis of Sui and reproached him for permitting the Chu ruler to claim kingship. Incensed, Chu’s King Wu held the Marquis of Sui responsible for this betrayal and attacked the State of Sui. However, King Wu fell ill and died while on campaign, prompting Chu to cease its advance. His son, King Wen Xiong Zi, then ascended the throne, and Chu began relocating its capital to Ying.
Year 2 of King Wen (688 BC). Chu embarked on a campaign against the State of Shen via Deng. The inhabitants of Deng remarked, “The Chu king is an easy target.” The Marquis of Deng refused to heed their suggestion. In Year 6, Chu waged war against the State of Cai, capturing its Marquis of Mourning—whom they soon released upon returning home. As Chu’s power grew, it bullied the smaller states along the Yangtze and Han river valleys, which increasingly trembled before its might. In Year 11 (679 BC), Duke Huan of Qi commenced his hegemonic ascendancy, while Chu, too, began to consolidate its strength.
Year 12 (678 BC). Chu attacked the State of Deng and annihilated it. In Year 13 (677 BC), King Wen passed away, and his son, Xiong Jian, ascended the throne under the name Zhuang Ao. Then, in Year 5 (672 BC) of his reign, Zhuang Ao attempted to murder his younger brother, Xiong Yun. Fleeing to the State of Sui, Xiong Yun joined forces with the Sui subjects, ambushed and killed Zhuang Ao, and subsequently assumed the throne—thus becoming known as King Cheng.
Year 1 of King Cheng (671 BC). Barely having ascended the throne, he immediately dispensed benevolence and moral edicts among the people, thereby restoring the time-honored amity among the feudal lords. He dispatched envoys to pay tribute to the Son of Heaven, who in turn rewarded him with sacrificial meat and admonished, “Quell the unrest among your southern tribes and refrain from encroaching upon the Central Plains.” Consequently, Chu extended its dominion to encompass a realm spanning nearly a thousand Chinese li (approximately 300 miles) in every direction.
Year 16 (656 BC). Duke Huan of Qi sent an army to invade Chu, advancing as far as Mount Xing. King Cheng appointed General Qu Wan to lead the defense and, in alliance with Duke Huan, repelled the assault. However, Duke Huan chided King Cheng for failing to render tribute to the Zhou court; only after King Cheng acceded to his demand did Duke Huan withdraw his forces.
Year 18 (654 BC). King Cheng led his army northward against the State of Xu. When the ruler of Xu disrobed—baring his arms in a gesture of contrition—King Cheng pardoned him. In Year 22 (650 BC), Chu attacked the State of Huang, and by Year 26 (646 BC), it had obliterated the State of Ying.
Year 32 (639 BC). Duke Xiang of Song proposed an alliance among the feudal lords and invited Chu to join. In a burst of indignation, the Chu king retorted, “If you summon me, I shall attend in a friendly guise only to seize the chance to humiliate him.” Accordingly, the Chu king dispatched troops to Yú, capturing the man who had insulted Duke Xiang—though he was soon permitted to return to his state. In Year 34 (638 BC), Duke Wen of Zheng journeyed south to pay homage to the Chu king, while King Cheng simultaneously led an attack against Song. At Hongshui, the Chu forces defeated the Song army and wounded Duke Xiang, who soon succumbed to his injuries.
Year 35 (637 BC). As Prince Chong’er of Jin traversed Chu, King Cheng, observing the customary rites of hospitality for feudal guests, graciously received him—bestowing abundant gifts and escorting him safely to the State of Qin.
Year 39 (633 BC). Duke Xi of Lu petitioned Chu to send troops against the State of Qi. In response, Chu dispatched General Shen Hou, who led an assault on Qi, capturing the territory of Guyi and installing Yong—the son of Duke Huan of Qi—as its governor. All seven sons of Duke Huan fled to Chu, where they were honored with the rank of Shang Daifu. Moreover, Chu annihilated the State of Kui because it had neglected the requisite ancestral sacrifices to Zhu Rong and Yu Xiong.
In the Summer. As Chu attacked Song, the State of Song urgently sought assistance from Jin, which came to its rescue. Consequently, King Cheng was compelled to withdraw his forces back to Chu. General Ziyu then earnestly entreated to continue the campaign. King Cheng remarked, “Chong’er, having languished in exile for many years, has finally returned to Jin—this is divinely ordained and cannot be thwarted.” Resolute in his appeal, General Ziyu insisted on fighting; thus, King Cheng provided him with but a modest force before departing. True to form, Jin defeated Ziyu at Chengpu, and in his fury, King Cheng ordered Ziyu’s execution.
Year 46 (626 BC). Initially, King Cheng intended to designate Shang Chen as crown prince and informed his chief minister, Zishang. Zishang cautioned, “Your Majesty, you are still young and have many beloved wives and concubines; if you appoint one only to later discard him, chaos will surely ensue—especially since Chu customarily invests its crown princes in youth. Moreover, Shang Chen, with his venomous disposition and rapacious mien, is unworthy of such honor.” Disregarding this counsel, the king proceeded to establish Shang Chen as his crown prince. Later, however, King Cheng sought instead to enthrone his son Zhi, thereby deposing Shang Chen. Sensing the faintest rumor of this unverified change, Shang Chen confided in his mentor, Pan Chong, asking, “How might we ascertain the truth?” Pan Chong advised, “Extend hospitality to Jiang Mi—the favored consort of King Cheng—but do not accord her the customary deference.” Shang Chen adopted this stratagem. Incensed, Jiang Mi declared, “It is only fitting that the king should slay you, who have been designated crown prince, to secure your son’s ascension.” Shang Chen then informed Pan Chong, “Indeed, it is so.” Pan Chong inquired, “Are you capable of serving Zhi?” Shang Chen replied, “I am not.” “Can you flee?” was the next query, to which he again answered, “I cannot.” “Then, can you kill the king?” Pan Chong pressed, and Shang Chen responded, “I can.” In October of that winter, Shang Chen ordered the palace guards to encircle King Cheng. The embattled king pleaded to be allowed a final taste of bear’s paw before his end, but Shang Chen refused. On the day designated as Dingwei, King Cheng hanged himself. Shang Chen then ascended the throne, thereafter known as King Mu.
Upon ascending the throne, King Mu bestowed his crown prince’s palace upon Pan Chong, appointing him as Grand Tutor and entrusted him with the governance of state affairs. In the third year of his reign (623 BCE), he conquered the Jiang state. The following year (622 BCE), he annexed both the Liu and Liao states, whose rulers were descendants of Gao Yao.
By the eighth year (618 BCE), Chu had launched a campaign against the state of Chen. King Mu passed away in the twelfth year of his rule (614 BCE), succeeded by his son Zhuang Wang Lu.
King Zhuang, during his first three years of reign, issued no decrees and indulged himself in pleasure night and day. He even proclaimed to his subjects: “Anyone who dares to remonstrate shall be put to death without pardon!” Nevertheless, Wu Jiu ventured to counsel him. King Zhuang, reclining amidst singing girls and dancers, held a lady from Zheng in his left arm and one from Yue in his right. Wu Jiu remarked, “I wish to present Your Majesty with an allegory.” He then continued, “There is a bird perched on a hill that neither flies nor sings for three years; what sort of bird might it be?” The king replied, “If it does not fly for three years, when it takes off, it will soar into the sky; if it does not sing for three years, when it utters a sound, it will startle everyone. You may withdraw now, I understand your meaning.” Several months later, however, King Zhuang became even more debauched. It was then that Duke Su Cong entered the court to advise him. King Zhuang asked, “Have you not heard my decree?” Su Cong responded, “To sacrifice myself so that Your Majesty may become enlightened is my lifelong aspiration.” Thereupon, the king ceased his licentiousness, resumed governance, executed hundreds of criminals, promoted hundreds of meritorious officials, appointed Wu Jiu and Su Cong to manage state affairs, and won the support of the entire nation. That same year, Chu annihilated the state of Yong. In the sixth year (608 BCE), Chu attacked Song and acquired five hundred chariots
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In the eighth year (606 BCE), Chu assaulted the Rong tribes of Lu Hun, reaching Luo, where they paraded their troops near the Zhou capital. King Ding of Zhou sent Wang Sun Man to reward King Zhuang with provisions. When King Zhuang inquired about the dimensions and weight of the Nine Tripods, Wang Sun Man replied, “The dominion over a country lies in virtue rather than in the tripod.” King Zhuang retorted, “Do not rely on the Nine Tripods! If Chu melts down the points of our swords and spears, we could cast nine tripods ourselves.” Wang Sun Man exclaimed, “Alas! Have you forgotten? During the prosperous times of Yu and Xia, distant lands paid tribute, and regional lords contributed metals to cast the nine tripods, which bore depictions of mountains, rivers, and all manner of strange creatures to educate the people about potential threats. When Jie fell into moral decay, the tripod was moved to Yin, where it remained for six hundred years. Later, when King Zhou of Yin turned tyrannical, the tripod was transferred to Zhou. Should the Son of Heaven possess virtuous conduct, even a small tripod would be immovably heavy; should his morals falter, even the heaviest tripod could be easily relocated. Previously, King Cheng of Zhou placed the nine tripods in Jiaru, divining that they would pass through thirty generations and stand for seven hundred years—a mandate from heaven. Although the Zhou royal house has declined, the will of heaven remains unaltered. Truly, it is not permissible to inquire about the weight of the tripod.” Only then did King Zhuang withdraw his army and return home.
In the ninth year (605 BCE), King Zhuang appointed the Ruo’ao clan as chancellor. Someone slandered him before the king, causing him to fear execution, leading him to rebel instead. Consequently, King Zhuang exterminated the entire Ruo’ao family. Thirteen years into his reign (603 BCE), Chu obliterated the Shu state.
Sixteen years into his reign (598 BCE), Chu waged war on Chen, executing Xia Zhengshu for regicide. After conquering Chen, Chu incorporated it into its territory as a county. All ministers celebrated this victory except Shen Shutu, who had just returned from a mission in Qi and did not join in the festivities. When King Zhuang questioned him, Shen Shutu answered, “As the saying goes, leading an ox straight into someone else’s field, the landowner confiscates the ox. While guiding the ox into the field is indeed wrong, seizing the animal is excessive. Certainly, Your Majesty mobilized the feudal lords due to the turmoil in Chen, and while there was justification for attacking it, annexing it out of greed does not justify proclaiming such actions to the world!” Thus, King Zhuang restored the status of Chen’s lineage.
Seventeen years into his reign (597 BCE), in spring, King Zhuang besieged Zheng for three months until it capitulated. Entering the city through Huang Gate, Duke Zheng of Zheng stripped to the waist, bound himself with rope, and led a sheep as a gift to welcome King Zhuang, declaring, “It is because I have not been favored by heaven that I cannot serve you, thus inviting your wrath and invasion—this is my fault. How dare I not obey your command! Cast me away to the South Sea or give me as a slave to another feudal lord—I shall comply. If you do not forget the Zhou kings—Lì, Xuan, Huo Gong, and Wu Gong—and continue their sacrifices, allowing me to serve you, that would be my deepest wish, though I dare not hope for such fortune. I merely express my humble sentiments boldly.” The ministers of Chu urged, “Your Majesty must not agree.” However, King Zhuang reflected, “Given how humbly the ruler of Zheng can humble himself, surely he can lead his people well. How can we sever his line of succession?” Subsequently, he personally raised the banner, directed his troops to retreat thirty miles, and agreed to peace with Zheng. Duke Zheng dispatched minister Pan Wang to establish an alliance, while Ziliang went to Chu as a hostage. In June, Jin came to Zheng’s aid but suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Chu’s forces along the Yellow River. Chu pursued the enemy all the way to Hengyong before returning home.
Twenty years into his reign (594 BCE), Chu surrounded the capital of Song because the latter had killed Chu’s envoys. For five months, the siege persisted until the city’s food supplies were exhausted, leading to cannibalism among its inhabitants. Eventually, Hua Yuan of Song emerged from the city to inform the Chu army of the dire situation. King Zhuang commented, “This man is truly noble!” and subsequently withdrew his troops
n the 23rd year (591 BC), King Zhuang passed away and his son, King Gongshen, ascended the throne.
In the 16th year of King Gong’s reign (575 BC), the state of Jin launched an expedition against Zheng. In response, Zheng sought aid from Chu, and King Gong dispatched forces to rescue Zheng. During the ensuing battle at Yanling between the Chu and Jin armies, the Jin forces prevailed and wounded King Gong in the eye with an arrow. King Gong summoned his general Zifan. Zifan, known for his intemperance, was goaded by his entourage—especially from Yanggu—to drink excessively until he became utterly inebriated. Enraged by this debacle, King Gong personally shot and killed Zifan before recalling his troops and returning home.
In the 31st year (560 BC), King Gong died, and his son, King Zhao of Kang, succeeded him. After a 15‐year reign, King Kang died in 545 BC; his son, Yuan, then ascended the throne—a figure later known as Jia’ao.
King Kang had favored his brothers—Princes Wei, Zibi, Zixi, and Qiji. In the 3rd year (542 BC) of his reign, Jia’ao appointed his uncle and King Kang’s brother, Prince Wei, as the Minister of State, charging him with military affairs. The following year (541 BC), Prince Wei was dispatched on an embassy to Zheng; however, upon hearing of the Chu king’s illness along the way, he hastened back to Chu. On a day in December designated by the heavenly stem and earthly branch Jiyou, Prince Wei entered the palace to inquire about the king’s condition and, in a shocking act, strangled the ill monarch with his own hatband. He also slew the king’s son, Mo Hepingxia, and sent an envoy to Zheng to announce the death. When Wu Ju inquired of the envoy, “Who will be crowned next?” the envoy replied, “The noble Prince Wei.” Wu Ju corrected himself, adding, “Prince Wei, the son of King Gong, is the eldest.” As Prince Zibi fled to Jin, Prince Wei ascended the throne, thereafter known as King Ling.
In the 3rd year of his reign (538 BC) in June, Chu dispatched an envoy to Jin, inviting the feudal lords to a grand congress at Shenyì. During the gathering, Wu Ju recalled past traditions: “In former times, King Xi of the Xia held a sumptuous feast at the Jun Platform, King Tang of Shang issued his illustrious decree at Jingbo, King Wu of Zhou swore oaths at Mengjin, King Cheng organized a regal hunt at Qiyang, King Kang paid his respects at the Feng Palace, King Mu convened at Tushan, Duke Huan of Qi rallied his armies at Zhaoling, and Duke Wen of Jin sealed alliances by treading the earth. Which of these ceremonies do you propose to emulate?” King Ling replied, “I shall follow the example of Duke Huan of Qi.” At that time, Zi Chan of Zheng was present, although the lords of Jin, Song, Lu, and Wei had not attended the Shenyì congress. After King Ling forged alliances with the feudal lords, a look of arrogance appeared upon his face. Wu Ju cautioned him, “Remember, King Jie was betrayed by his retainers at a similar assembly, and King Zhou’s decrees at Lishan led to Eastern barbarians’ treachery; likewise, King You’s alliances in the palace of Tai led to the betrayal of the Rong and Di. You must carefully ponder your ultimate fate!”
In July, Chu led a coalition of allied forces against the state of Wu, besieging Zhufang. In August, after capturing Zhufang, they imprisoned Qingfeng and annihilated his entire clan. Chu then displayed Qingfeng’s body to the people, admonishing them: “Do not follow the example of Qi’s Qingfeng, who murdered his own sovereign and oppressed his young heir, thereby coercing the nobles to swear allegiance to him.” In retort, Qingfeng jeered, “Do not emulate King Gong’s illegitimate son, Prince Wei, who killed his sovereign—while your own elder brother’s son, Yuan, ascended in his stead!” Consequently, King Ling ordered Qingfeng’s immediate execution.
In the 7th year (534 BC), King Ling completed the construction of the Zhanghua Terrace and decreed that exiles be settled there to serve the state.
In the 8th year (533 BC), the Chu king dispatched Prince Qiji to lead an army that obliterated the state of Chen. In the 10th year (531 BC), the Chu king summoned Marquis Cai, intoxicated him, and then murdered him. Prince Qiji was then entrusted with pacifying Cai and was installed as the local administrator over the regions of Chen and Cai.
In the 11th year (530 BC), the Chu king waged war against the state of Xu as a show of force aimed at deterring Wu. King Ling stationed his forces at Qianxi, awaiting news of the campaign against Xu. He remarked, “When the states of Qi, Jin, Lu, and Wei were enfeoffed, they all received treasured regalia—only our state did not. Today, I shall dispatch an envoy to the Zhou court to request a cauldron as our regal treasure. Will the Zhou royal house grant it to me?” Xi Fu responded, “Indeed, Your Majesty will receive it! In times past, our illustrious ancestors, like Xiong Yi, who dwelled in the remote Jing Mountains, traveled in humble carts, clad in tattered garments, and resided among the reeds while serving the Son of Heaven; they once presented bows fashioned from peach wood and arrows made of thorny branches to the Zhou court. The ruler of Qi was the Zhou king’s maternal uncle, while the sovereigns of Jin, Lu, and Wei were his half-brothers. Thus, they all possessed treasured regalia—only Chu did not. Today, with the Zhou court attending to you alongside those four states, how could they possibly withhold the cauldron?” King Ling then said, “In days of yore, our great-uncle Kunwu resided in the ancient state of Xu; now, the people of Zheng greedily occupy that land and refuse to cede it to me. If I go to reclaim it, will they honor my claim?” Xi Fu replied, “If the Zhou court is so liberal with cauldrons, how could the state of Zheng be stingy with its lands?” King Ling continued, “In the past, the feudal lords deemed our state remote and feared the power of Jin; now, having expanded and fortified the cities of Chen, Cai, and Buge, each equipped with an army of a thousand chariots, are the lords still to fear us?” Xi Fu answered, “They tremble in dread indeed!” King Ling beamed and exclaimed, “Xi Fu, you have an admirable way with ancient lore!”
In the spring of the 12th year (529 BC), King Ling of Chu reveled at Qianxi, reluctant to depart, while the common people suffered under oppressive corvée labor. In earlier times, when King Ling had assembled the feudal lords at Shenyì, he had humiliated Chang Shouguo, an official of Yue, and executed Guan Qi, an official of Cai. Guan Qi’s son, Guan Cong, fled to Wu, where he incited the Wu king to attack Chu, sowing discord between Yue’s official Chang Shouguo and the state of Yue, urging him to incite rebellion and serve as an agent for Wu. Furthermore, under the guise of an order from Prince Qiji, envoys were sent to Jin to summon Prince Zibi, who then proceeded to Cai, conspiring with the armies of Wu and Yue to attack Cai. An arrangement was made for Prince Zibi to meet with Qiji, and an alliance was forged between Deng and Qiji. Subsequently, the conspirators stormed the palace, assassinated Crown Prince Lu, and installed Prince Zibi as the new king of Chu, appointing Prince Zixi as Minister of State and Qiji as Sima. Having first purged the royal palace, Guan Cong then led his forces to Qianxi and announced to the Chu soldiers, “A new king has been enthroned in Chu. Those who return promptly to the capital shall have their titles, fiefs, lands, and dwellings restored; those who delay shall be exiled.” Upon hearing this, the Chu troops scattered in disarray, all abandoning King Ling and hastening back to the capital.
When King Ling heard the news that Crown Prince Lu had been killed, he was so stricken with grief that he fell from his carriage. In despair, he lamented, “Do all people love their sons this much?” A servant replied, “Even more than you do, Your Majesty.” King Ling sighed, “I have taken the lives of too many sons of others. How could I not meet such an end?”
The Right Minister then advised, “Your Majesty, please retreat to the outskirts of the capital and heed the will of the people.” King Ling shook his head, “The wrath of the masses is not to be provoked.” The Right Minister continued, “Then flee temporarily to a major province and seek military aid from the feudal lords.” The king responded, “The feudal lords will surely betray me.” The Right Minister then suggested, “At least escape to one of the feudal states and listen to the opinions of the great lords.” King Ling sighed, “Fortune does not shine twice upon a man. It would be nothing but self-humiliation.”
Thus, King Ling resolved to board a boat and seek refuge in Yan City. The Right Minister, sensing that the king would not heed his advice and fearing for his own life, abandoned the king and fled.
Left alone, King Ling wandered through the mountains. The villagers, afraid of repercussions, dared not shelter him. On the road, he encountered a former palace attendant and pleaded, “Find me something to eat. I have not eaten in three days.” The attendant replied, “The new king has issued an edict: anyone who provides you with food or aids in your escape will have their entire family executed. Moreover, I have nowhere to find food myself.” Exhausted, King Ling lay down with his head resting on the attendant’s lap. As the king drifted into sleep, the attendant quietly replaced his lap with a lump of earth and fled.
Upon waking and finding himself abandoned, King Ling was so weak from hunger that he could not even sit up. In a region called Yudi, a local official’s son, Shen Hai, said, “My father twice offended the king, yet His Majesty pardoned him both times. Such kindness is unmatched!” Determined to repay the favor, Shen Hai searched tirelessly for King Ling and finally found him unconscious in Xi Ze. He brought the king to his home and cared for him. On the day of Guichou, in the fifth month of summer, King Ling passed away in Shen Hai’s home. Shen Hai buried him with two women as attendants in his tomb.
Although the state of Chu had already installed Prince Bi as the new king, the court feared that King Ling might return, as no news of his death had reached them. A courtier named Guan Cong warned the new king, “If you do not eliminate Qi Ji, you will face calamity even if you hold the throne.” The new king hesitated, “I cannot bear to kill him.” Guan Cong retorted, “But others will have no qualms about killing you.” The king refused to listen, and Guan Cong departed in frustration.
After Qi Ji returned to the capital, the city remained in constant fear. Every night, rumors spread: “King Ling has returned!” On the night of Yimao, Qi Ji orchestrated a ruse. He ordered boatmen along the Yangtze River to run along the shore, shouting, “King Ling is coming!” Panic seized the city. He then had an envoy inform Prince Bi and Prime Minister Zi Xi: “King Ling has arrived! The people will soon turn against you. The Grand Marshal is also approaching! You must act swiftly, lest you bring disgrace upon yourselves. The fury of the people is like a flood or wildfire—it cannot be contained.” Terrified, the new king and Zi Xi took their own lives. On the day of Bingchen, Qi Ji ascended the throne as King Ping of Chu.
King Ping, having seized the throne through cunning and treachery, feared rebellion from both the nobility and the common people. To consolidate his rule, he lavished favors upon the populace. He restored the lands of the states of Chen and Cai, reinstating their former rulers’ descendants. Likewise, he returned territory seized from Zheng. Domestically, he comforted the people, reformed governance, and maintained stability. Meanwhile, the state of Wu, taking advantage of Chu’s turmoil, captured five Chu generals. King Ping, turning to Guan Cong, declared, “Ask for whatever reward you desire.” Guan Cong requested the position of Chief Diviner, and King Ping granted his wish.
Previously, King Gong had five favored sons but no clear heir. Seeking divine guidance, he offered sacrifices to the mountain and river deities, praying for a sign to designate his successor. In secret, he buried a jade tablet in the ancestral temple and had his five sons purify themselves before entering. As fate would have it, Prince Kang stepped over the tablet, Prince Ling’s elbow rested upon it, and Princes Bi and Xi kept their distance. The youngest, Qi Ji, was carried in by an attendant and knelt directly upon the tablet’s clasp. Thus, Kang ascended the throne due to his seniority, but his lineage soon perished; Prince Wei became King Ling, but was slain; Prince Bi ruled for mere days before meeting his demise; Prince Xi never ruled and also perished. These four princes left no descendants. Only Qi Ji ultimately ascended the throne as King Ping, ensuring the continuation of Chu’s royal lineage, fulfilling the divine omen.
Earlier, when Prince Bi was returning from Jin, Han Xuanzu asked Shu Xiang, “Will Prince Bi succeed?” Shu Xiang answered, “He will not.” Xuanzu questioned, “The people of Chu detest King Ling and yearn for a new ruler, much like merchants pursuing profit. How could he fail?” Shu Xiang replied, “Who truly stands by Prince Bi? Who shares his grievances? Seizing the throne entails five challenges: having favor but lacking talent is one; possessing talent but lacking support is two; having support but lacking strategic foresight is three; possessing strategy but lacking public favor is four; and having public favor but lacking virtue is five. Prince Bi spent thirteen years in Jin without cultivating a cadre of learned followers—he lacks talent. His family was shattered, his relatives turned against him—he lacks support. He acted recklessly without opportunity—he lacks strategy. He was an exile without the people’s backing—he lacks public favor. Even in his homeland, no one mourns his absence—he lacks virtue. King Ling’s tyranny doomed him, but Prince Bi embodied all five failures. How could he possibly rule? The throne will likely fall to Qi Ji.”
Xuanzu countered, “But did not Duke Huan of Qi and Duke Wen of Jin face similar challenges?” Shu Xiang explained, “Duke Huan was the son of Lady Wei, beloved by King Xi. He had capable ministers like Bao Shuya, Bin Xu Wu, and Xi Peng. He had allies in Ju and Wei, and internal support from the Gao and Guo clans. He followed wise counsel and generously rewarded his people. Was he not destined to rule? Similarly, Duke Wen was the son of Lady Hu Ji, cherished by Duke Xian. He was diligent in study, forming a circle of five worthy men at seventeen. He had loyal advisors like Ziquan and Zifan, military commanders like Wei Chou and Jia Tuo, foreign allies in Qi, Song, Qin, and Chu, and internal supporters among the Luan, Xi, Hu, and Xian families. Exiled for nineteen years, he returned with unwavering determination. Given that the people had abandoned his rivals and flocked to him, was his ascension not inevitable? Prince Bi, on the other hand, had no support, no allies, and no legacy. How could he possibly succeed?”
As predicted, Prince Bi’s reign was short-lived, and Qi Ji ultimately ascended the throne, just as Shu Xiang had foreseen.
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In the second year of King Ping (527 BCE), he dispatched Fei Wuji to Qin to fetch a bride for Crown Prince Jian. This lady was exceptionally beautiful, and before she even reached the Chu capital, Wuji rushed back to urge King Ping: “The beauty of this Qin lady is beyond compare; why not keep her for yourself and find another one for the crown prince?” Persuaded by Wuji’s suggestion, King Ping eventually took the Qin lady as his own wife and fathered Xiong Zhen with her. He then arranged another marriage for the crown prince .
At that time, Wu She served as the crown prince’s tutor, while Wuji held the position of junior tutor. Unloved by the crown prince, Wuji frequently slandered him out of spite. The crown prince, who was fifteen years old at the time, had a mother from the state of Cai and did not enjoy the favor of King Ping, leading to the king gradually distancing himself from the crown prince .
By the sixth year (523 BCE), King Ping ordered the crown prince to reside in Chengfu to guard the frontier. Wuji continued to malign the crown prince day and night before King Ping, saying, “Because I brought the Qin lady to your harem, the crown prince harbors deep resentment towards me and cannot possibly feel any less resentment towards you. You should be on your guard. Moreover, residing in Chengfu, the crown prince wields military power, allies with other feudal lords, and constantly schemes to march into the capital.” Consequently, King Ping summoned Wu She to reprimand him. Understanding it was due to Wuji’s slander, Wu She advised, “Why does Your Majesty alienate your own flesh and blood because of a petty man?” Wuji retorted, “If we don’t subdue Wu She now, there will be regrets later.” Thus, King Ping imprisoned Wu She and ordered Sima Fen Yang to summon the crown prince back with the intent to execute him. Upon hearing the news, the crown prince fled to the state of Song .
Wuji then suggested, “Wu She has two sons. If they are not killed, they will become a menace to Chu. Why not summon them under the pretense of sparing their father’s life? They will surely return.” Following this advice, King Ping sent envoys to Wu She, stating, “If you can bring your two sons back, your life will be spared; otherwise, you shall face execution.” Wu She responded, “Wu Shang is upright and simple-minded, valuing loyalty and filial piety. Upon hearing that returning could save his father, he would come back regardless of the danger. On the other hand, Wu Xu is intelligent and strategic, knowing full well that coming back means certain death and thus will definitely not return. However, it is he who will pose a future threat to Chu.” When the envoys arrived, Wu Shang told Wu Xu, “It would be unfilial to ignore our father’s plea for mercy, but failing to seek revenge after his death would be imprudent. You must use your wisdom to accomplish great deeds.” Wu Shang returned to Chu alone, whereas Wu Xu, upon meeting the envoys, declared, “Since my father is guilty, why call upon his sons?” He drew his bow to shoot at the envoys, who promptly fled, and Wu Xu escaped to Wu. Hearing about this, Wu She lamented, “With Wu Xu’s escape, Chu is in peril.” Subsequently, Chu executed Wu She and Wu Shang .
In the tenth year (519 BCE), the mother of Crown Prince Jian resided in Juqiao and secretly communicated with Wu. When the prince of Wu, Gongzi Guang, launched an attack on Chu, defeating the armies of Chen and Cai and taking the crown prince’s mother away, Chu fortified Yingdu out of fear. Earlier, a dispute over mulberry trees between children from border towns of Wu and Chu led to armed conflict, prompting retaliatory actions from both sides. Eventually, Gongzi Guang seized the opportunity to conquer Zhongli and Juqiao, causing Chu to further fortify its defenses .
Upon King Ping’s death in the thirteenth year (516 BCE), General Zi Chang proposed installing Ling Yin Zi Xi as king due to the young age of Xiong Zhen and the fact that his mother was originally meant for the previous crown prince. However, Zi Xi, being a benevolent half-brother of King Ping, opposed changing the succession laws, arguing it would lead to chaos. Thus, Chu enthroned Xiong Zhen as King Zhao .
In the first year of King Zhao (515 BCE), the people of Chu despised Fei Wuji for driving Crown Prince Jian into exile and orchestrating the deaths of Wu She and his family. Both Pi, a relative of Xi Wan, and Wu Xu sought refuge in Wu, leading to repeated invasions by Wu forces against Chu. To appease public sentiment, the new Ling Yin Zi Chang executed Wuji. Four years later (512 BCE), three princes of Wu defected to Chu, receiving land grants intended to bolster Chu’s defenses against Wu. By 509 BCE, Wu successfully attacked several cities of Chu, dealing significant defeats .
Finally, in 506 BCE, during the winter, Duke Helu of Wu, along with Wu Xu, Bo Pi, and the allied states of Tang and Cai, launched a formidable assault on Chu, which suffered a crushing defeat. Wu’s army subsequently entered Yingdu, desecrating King Ping’s tomb as a result of Wu Xu’s personal vendetta. Prior to this, when Wu’s forces approached Yingdu, Chu deployed troops under Zi Chang, only for them to be defeated. With Zi Chang fleeing to Zheng and the Chu army disintegrating, Wu capitalized on its momentum, engaging Chu’s forces five times before reaching Yingdu. On the day of Ji Mao, King Zhao fled, and the next day, the Wu army occupied the city .
King Zhao fled to Yunmeng. The inhabitants of Yunmeng, unaware of his true identity, inadvertently wounded him with an arrow. Subsequently, King Zhao escaped to the state of Yun. The younger brother of Duke Yun, Huai, declared, “Since King Ping slew our father, why not today slay his son?” Although Duke Yun attempted to restrain Huai, he also feared that Huai might kill King Zhao; consequently, he accompanied King Zhao in his flight to the state of Sui.
When King Wu learned that King Zhao had taken refuge in Sui, he immediately advanced upon that state. He proclaimed to the Sui people, “The descendants of the Zhou royal family—those who were enfeoffed between the Yangtze and Han rivers—have all been annihilated by Chu.” The ruler of Sui then resolved to kill King Zhao. In response, King Zhao’s attendant, Ziqi, concealed him in a most secret location and assumed his identity, telling the Sui that, “Deliver me to King Wu.” However, when the Sui diviners declared that surrendering King Zhao to Wu was inauspicious, the Sui people told King Wu that “King Zhao has fled; he is no longer in Sui.” Undeterred, King Wu sent envoys to scour Sui for King Zhao, but the Sui people refused cooperation. As a result, the Wu forces halted their advance and withdrew from Sui.
When King Zhao had fled from Yingdu, he had previously dispatched Shen, Bao, and Xu to the state of Qin to request aid. In response, Qin sent 500 chariots to assist Chu. Meanwhile, Chu gathered its remaining troops to counterattack the state of Wu alongside the Qin forces. In the eleventh year (505 BCE), in the month of June, at Ji, the Wu forces were defeated. Seizing the moment when Wu’s general, Fu Gai, observed the disarray and casualties among Wu’s soldiers, Fu Gai fled back to Wu and declared himself king. Upon hearing this, Helü of Wu promptly ordered his army to withdraw from Chu and return home to confront Fu Gai. Fu Gai was defeated and fled to Chu, where Chu enfeoffed him at Tangxi, naming him the Lord of Tangxi.
King Zhao of Chu then vanquished the state of Tang. In September, King Zhao returned to Yingdu. In the twelfth year (504 BCE), Wu again attacked Chu, capturing Fan. Gripped by fear, the Chu monarch abandoned Yingcheng and relocated the capital to the northern region of Zou.
In the sixteenth year (500 BCE), Confucius was appointed Prime Minister of Lu. In the twentieth year (496 BCE), Chu exterminated the states of Dun and Hu. In the twenty-first year (495 BCE), Helü of Wu launched a campaign against the state of Yue. During this campaign, King Goujian of Yue wounded King Wu with an arrow, leading to King Wu’s demise. Consequently, Wu harbored resentment toward Yue and ceased its western aggression against Chu.
In the spring of the twenty-seventh year (489 BCE), Wu attacked the state of Chen, and King Zhao of Chu came to Chen’s aid, stationing his troops at Chengfu. In October, King Zhao fell ill while on campaign. A spectacle unfolded in the sky: crimson clouds, resembling birds, circled the sun. Seeking to interpret these omens, King Zhao consulted the Grand Historian of Zhou, who stated, “This augury portends harm for the Chu monarch, yet it might transfer the calamity to his generals.” Upon hearing this, the generals beseeched the gods for intervention, offering to assume the king’s burden in his stead. King Zhao responded, “My generals are like my own flesh and blood. Even if the disaster befalls them, can it absolve me of my malady?” Thus, King Zhao declined their proposal. An inquiry into the cause of his illness revealed it to be the mischief of the Yellow River. The ministers then petitioned for a sacrifice to the river deity. King Zhao countered, “Since our ancestral kings were enfeoffed, our distant sacrifices have been to the great rivers—the Yangtze and the Han—while we have never affronted the deity of the Yellow River.” Consequently, he dismissed their entreaties. In Chen, Confucius remarked, “King Zhao of Chu is truly a man of profound principles. He has not abandoned his state, which is most commendable!”
Stricken with grave illness, King Zhao summoned his nobles and officials, saying, “I am unworthy; my inadequacy has repeatedly brought disgrace upon the Chu army, and now I am fated to depart this life in tranquility—such is my fortune.” He offered to pass the throne to his eldest brother, Prince Shen, who refused; he then offered it to his second brother, Prince Jie, who also declined; finally, he proposed it to his third brother, Prince Lü, who, after five refusals, ultimately consented to assume kingship. As the Chu army prepared to engage the Wu forces, on the day of Gengyin, King Zhao passed away in camp. Prince Lü declared, “When King Zhao was gravely ill, he relinquished the prospect of his son succeeding him and instead entrusted the throne to his ministers. I accepted his proposal to honor his benevolence, and now that he has departed, I dare not disregard his favor.” In secret consultation with Zixi and Ziqi, he arranged for troops to block the roads and covertly escorted the son of a Yue maiden, Zhang, crowning him as king—this was King Hui. Thereafter, he halted further military action, returned to his realm, and laid King Zhao to rest.
In the second year of King Hui’s reign (487 BCE), Zixi summoned Sheng, the son of King Ping’s Crown Prince Jian, from Wu and appointed him as the Prefect of Chao County, bestowing upon him the title “Lord Bai.” Lord Bai, an admirer of military affairs and a gracious patron of scholars, longed to avenge his father. In the sixth year (483 BCE), he petitioned Lingyin Zixi for an expedition against the state of Zheng. His father, Crown Prince Jian, had fled to Zheng, only to be slain there, and Lord Bai harbored deep enmity against Zheng. Although Zixi consented, he did not dispatch any troops. In the eighth year (481 BCE), as the state of Jin campaigned against Zheng, Zheng urgently sought assistance from Chu. Zixi, who had gone to Zheng, accepted bribes from Zheng and withdrew his support. Enraged, Lord Bai, along with the fearless warrior Shiqi and others, launched an assault in the court, killing Lingyin Zixi and Ziqi, and seized King Hui, imprisoning him in Gao Mansion with the intent to execute him. King Hui’s attendant, Qu Gu, managed to carry him on his back to the palace of King Zhao’s consort. Meanwhile, Lord Bai declared himself King of Chu. A month later, fortuitously, Duke Ye arrived to rescue Chu, and with the combined efforts of King Hui’s men and Duke Ye, Lord Bai was slain, allowing King Hui to be reinstated. That same year, Chu conquered the state of Chen and incorporated it as a county within Chu.
In the thirteenth year (476 BC), King Fuchai of Wu began to amass power, bullying the states of Qi and Jin while launching a campaign against Chu. In the sixteenth year (473 BC), the state of Yue annihilated Wu. Then, in the forty-second year (447 BC), Chu vanquished the state of Cai, and two years later (445 BC) it overthrew the state of Qi before concluding a peace treaty with Qin. At that juncture, although Yue had destroyed Wu, it could not control the territories along the Yangtze or the region north of the Huai; meanwhile, Chu expanded eastward, extending its dominion to the vicinity of the Sishui area.
In the fifty-seventh year (432 BC), King Hui died, and his son, King Jian, ascended the throne. In the first year of his reign (431 BC), he led a northern expedition that vanquished the state of Ju. By the eighth year (424 BC), Duke Wen of Wei, Lord Wu of Han, and Lord Huan of Zhao began to emerge as autonomous feudal lords.
In the twenty-fourth year (408 BC), King Jian passed away, and his son, King Sheng, immediately succeeded him. In the sixth year of King Sheng’s reign (402 BC), bandits assassinated him, and his son—King Dao (Xiong Yi)—ascended the throne. Two years later (400 BC), the three Jin states launched an incursion against Chu but, upon reaching Chengqiu, withdrew. In the fourth year (398 BC), Chu campaigned against the Zhou dynasty; during this venture, the state of Zheng killed Ziyang. In the ninth year (393 BC), Chu attacked Han and seized the territory of Fushu. In the eleventh year (391 BC), the three Jin states again mobilized against Chu, defeating its forces at Daliang and Yuguan. In response, Chu sent lavish gifts to Qin and reconciled with it. Finally, in the twenty-first year (381 BC), King Dao died, and his son, King Su (Zang), assumed the throne.
In the fourth year of King Su’s reign (377 BC), the state of Shu campaigned against Chu and captured Zifang, prompting Chu to construct fortified passes to repel the Shu army. In the tenth year (371 BC), the state of Wei seized Chu’s city of Luyang. In the eleventh year (370 BC), with King Su having left no heir, his younger brother Xiong Liangfu was installed as king—this is known as King Xuan.
In the sixth year of King Xuan’s reign (364 BC), the Zhou king extended his felicitations to Duke Xian of Qin. Qin began to rise in power once more, yet the three Jin states proved even mightier, with Wei’s King Hui and Qi’s King Wei standing out in strength. In the thirtieth year (340 BC), Qin granted the Shang territory to Shang Yang and advanced southward, launching an incursion into Chu. That same year, King Xuan died, and his son, King Wei (Xiong Shang), ascended the throne.
In the sixth year of King Wei’s reign (334 BC), King Xian of Zhou presented Duke Hui of Qin with the consecrated meat from the sacrificial rites for King Wen and King Wu. In the seventh year (333 BC), Tian Ying—the father of Qi’s celebrated Lord Mengchang—deceived Chu, prompting King Cheng of Chu to wage war against Qi. His forces defeated the Qi army at Xuzhou and coerced the Qi court into expelling Tian Ying. Fearing the repercussions, Tian Ying grew anxious, and the cunning Zhang Chou persuaded the Chu king by remarking:
“Your triumph at Xuzhou was secured because the Qi king neglected to appoint Tian Panzi—a man who had rendered commendable service to Qi and earned the loyalty of its people—while, instead, the inept Tian Ying chose Shen Ji, who found neither ministerial support nor popular favor. Hence, you prevailed over the Qi forces. But if you expel Tian Ying, the Qi king will undoubtedly elevate Panzi, reorganize his army, and soon renew hostilities against you, a prospect most disadvantageous to your interests.”
Consequently, the Chu king abandoned his demand to expel Tian Ying.
In the eleventh year (329 BC), King Wei died, and his son, King Huai (Xiong Huai), assumed the throne. Seizing the moment of Chu’s national mourning, the state of Wei launched an offensive, capturing the Xing Mountains. In the first year of King Huai’s reign (328 BC), Zhang Yi began serving as chancellor for Duke Hui of Qin. By the fourth year (325 BC), Duke Hui had proclaimed himself king.
In the sixth year (323 BC), Chu dispatched its pillar general, Zhao Yang, to lead an expedition against Wei; at Xiangling, his forces triumphed, seizing eight cities. Soon after, Chu mobilized an army against Qi. Alarmed, the Qi king—while hosting Qin’s envoy Chen Zhen—asked, “How should we counter Chu?” Chen Zhen replied, “Fear not, Your Majesty; grant me leave to negotiate their withdrawal.” Accordingly, Chen Zhen promptly visited Zhao Yang in the Chu camp and inquired, “Pray, elucidate Chu’s system of military rewards—what honors are bestowed upon those who vanquish enemy forces and slay enemy commanders?”
Zhao Yang answered, “They are conferred the rank of Upper Pillar General, awarded the highest noble titles, and entrusted with a ceremonial jade token.”
Chen Zhen then queried, “Is there any reward more exalted than this?”
“Why,” Zhao Yang replied, “there is the office of Lingyin.”
Chen Zhen continued, “Today, as Chu’s chancellor, you have already assumed the role of Lingyin—the highest office in Chu. Permit me an analogy: imagine a patron who offers his attendants a cup of wine, only for them to protest that the quantity is insufficient. They then propose that whoever draws a snake on the ground first shall receive the cup. One attendant exclaims, ‘I have finished!’ and, rising with his cup, declares, ‘I can embellish the snake by adding legs.’ Yet, once he adds legs, another attendant—who had already completed his drawing—seizes his wine and drinks it, exclaiming, ‘A snake is naturally legless; by adding legs, you have ruined its essence!’ Today, as you lead the assault on Wei—having vanquished its forces and slain its commanders—no greater feat can be attained, nor can your rewards be increased. Conversely, failure would compel you to sacrifice your life and forfeiture of rank, thereby sullying Chu’s reputation. Such an imprudent act is akin to ‘adding legs to a snake.’ It would be far wiser to lead your troops back to Chu and extend benevolence to Qi—a strategy that secures your enduring eminence.”
Conceding, Zhao Yang agreed, and thus led his forces out of Qi.
In the eleventh year (318 BCE), Su Qin orchestrated a coalition among the six states east of the Hangu Pass to attack Qin, with King Huai of Chu as the leader of this alliance. The allied forces advanced to Hangu Pass, but upon encountering Qin’s army, each state’s troops retreated in succession, with Qi’s forces being the last to withdraw .
The following year, in 317 BCE, King Min of Qi triumphed over the combined forces of Zhao and Wei, while Qin also emerged victorious against Han, both vying for supremacy .
By the sixteenth year (313 BCE), Qin sought to launch an offensive against Qi, but faced a formidable obstacle due to the strong alliance between Qi and Chu. Concerned about this situation, King Hui of Qin pretended to demote Zhang Yi from his position as chancellor and sent him to meet with King Huai of Chu. Zhang Yi spoke eloquently, claiming that Qin held Chu in the highest regard and harbored deep enmity towards Qi. He proposed that if Chu would close its border passes and sever ties with Qi, Qin would cede to Chu a territory measuring six hundred li square in Shangyu, thereby weakening Qi’s power. This move, Zhang argued, would benefit Chu by diminishing Qi’s influence to the north, earning gratitude from Qin to the west, and enriching Chu through the acquisition of fertile land—a strategy he likened to killing three birds with one stone. Delighted by this proposition, King Huai of Chu bestowed upon Zhang Yi the seal of office, celebrated daily with banquets, and declared, “I have regained my Shangyu!” Only Chen Zhen expressed sorrow at this turn of events. When questioned by the king, Chen Zhen warned that Qin valued Chu precisely because of its alliance with Qi, and breaking off relations prematurely could isolate Chu, making it vulnerable to Qin’s disregard or even contempt. He advised waiting until after receiving the promised territory before severing ties with Qi to avoid falling into a trap .
However, King Huai did not heed Chen Zhen’s counsel and dispatched a general to Qin to accept the alleged territory. Meanwhile, Zhang Yi returned to Qin and feigned illness for three months, during which time Chu received no land. Mistakenly believing that the break with Qi was insufficient, King Huai then sent a warrior named Song Yu to insult the King of Qi, leading Qi to ally itself firmly with Qin. It was only then that Zhang Yi reappeared in court and informed the Chu envoy that the offered land measured six li rather than six hundred. Upon learning this, King Huai prepared to wage war on Qin, but Chen Zhen once again cautioned against such action, recommending instead that Chu offer Qin a valuable city to forge an alliance aimed at reclaiming lost territories from Qi. Nevertheless, King Huai ignored this advice and mobilized his forces against Qin .
In the spring of 312 BCE, the Chu army clashed with Qin’s forces at Danyang, suffering a crushing defeat with eighty thousand soldiers killed, including General-in-Chief Qu Gai and Deputy General Pang Hou Chou among others, along with the loss of several counties in Hanzhong. Enraged, King Huai mustered all available troops for another assault on Qin. In the subsequent battle at Lantian, Chu suffered yet another significant defeat. Meanwhile, Han and Wei took advantage of Chu’s weakened state to launch attacks deep into Chu territory, reaching as far as Deng. Faced with these invasions, Chu withdrew its remaining forces from Qin .
In 311 BCE, Qin renewed diplomatic overtures towards Chu, proposing peace and offering half of the Hanzhong region. However, King Huai stated his preference for obtaining Zhang Yi over additional territory. Hearing of this, Zhang Yi volunteered to travel to Chu despite knowing the peril involved. King Hui of Qin worried about Zhang’s safety, but Zhang assured him that his friendship with Chu’s minister Jin Shang and his influence over the favored concubine Zheng Xiu would protect him. Furthermore, Zhang believed that his personal visit could mend the rift between Qin and Chu. Thus, he embarked on his mission to Chu .
This translation captures the historical intrigue and strategic maneuvering of the period, adapting the names and places for clarity and readability for an American audience familiar with diplomatic and military history.
Upon arriving in the capital of Chu, Zhang Yi was denied an audience with King Huai and was instead imprisoned, facing the threat of execution. Secretly, Zhang Yi bribed Jin Shang, who interceded on his behalf, saying to King Huai:
“Your Majesty, by detaining Zhang Yi, you are bound to provoke the wrath of the Qin King. The rulers of other states, witnessing the deterioration of Qin-Chu relations, will undoubtedly regard you with disdain.”
Jin Shang also approached Queen Zheng Xiu, saying:
“The King of Qin holds Zhang Yi in great favor, yet King Huai intends to execute him. At this moment, the King of Qin is prepared to offer six counties in Shangyong as tribute to Chu, along with exquisite women for Your Majesty’s pleasure—among them, palace singers and dancers to serve as royal attendants. The King of Chu values territorial expansion, and these women from Qin will surely captivate his favor. Should this happen, My Lady, you may find yourself displaced. It would be wiser to advocate for Zhang Yi’s release before the King.”
Persuaded, Zheng Xiu pleaded on Zhang Yi’s behalf, securing his release. Once freed, King Huai treated Zhang Yi with great hospitality. Seizing the opportunity, Zhang Yi convinced the King of Chu to abandon the vertical alliance (hézòng) and instead forge closer ties with Qin, cementing their bond through marriage.
After Zhang Yi departed from Chu, Qu Yuan returned from his diplomatic mission to Qi and admonished King Huai:
“Why did Your Majesty not put Zhang Yi to death?”
Only then did King Huai regret his decision and dispatched envoys to capture Zhang Yi, but it was too late—he had already fled. That same year, King Hui of Qin passed away.
26th Year of King Huai’s Reign (309 BCE)
King Min of Qi aspired to lead the vertical alliance and resented Chu’s alliance with Qin. He sent a letter to King Huai, warning:
*”I fear Your Majesty has not fully considered the weight of sovereignty. Now that King Hui of Qin has perished and King Wu has ascended the throne, Zhang Yi has fled to Wei, and King Wu has appointed Chuli Ji and Gongsun Yan as his chief advisors. Yet, Chu remains subservient to Qin.
Chuli Ji is close to Han, while Gongsun Yan has ties to Wei. If Chu continues to serve Qin, Han and Wei will be compelled to do the same. Consequently, Yan and Zhao will follow suit. With four states vying for Qin’s favor, Chu risks becoming nothing more than a vassal province of Qin.
Why does Your Majesty not join forces with me to rally Han, Wei, Yan, and Zhao, restoring the prestige of the Zhou royal house? This would allow you to consolidate your forces, strengthen your nation, and command the allegiance of all under heaven. None would dare defy you.
At that point, you could lead the allied forces against Qin and assuredly secure victory. You would seize Wu Pass, the lands of Shu and Han, and claim the riches of Wu and Yue, dominating the Yangtze River and the Eastern Sea. Han and Wei would cede Shangdang to you, pushing your western borders to Hangu Pass. Chu would be a hundredfold stronger than it is now.
Moreover, Zhang Yi deceived Your Majesty, costing Chu the region of Hanzhong, and your armies suffered defeat at Lantian. All under heaven share your indignation. Yet now, Your Majesty contemplates serving Qin? I urge you to reconsider.”*
King Huai, inclined toward an alliance with Qin, wavered upon reading King Min’s letter and sought counsel from his ministers. Some advocated for aligning with Qin, while others supported Qi’s proposal.
Zhao Ju advised:
*”Although Your Majesty has expanded Chu’s territory eastward into Yue, this is insufficient to restore our honor. You should instead deepen ties with Qi and Han to elevate Chuli Ji’s standing within Qin. In doing so, Han and Qi will be compelled to support you in reclaiming lost territory.
Qin recently triumphed over Han at Yiyang, yet Han remains loyal to Qin, for its ancestral tombs lie in Pingyang, a mere seventy li from Qin’s military stronghold in Wusui. Thus, Han dares not defy Qin. However, if Qin attacks Sanchuan, Zhao assaults Shangdang, and Chu advances beyond the Yellow River, Han will be doomed.
Though Chu may not be able to save Han outright, securing Han’s nominal survival will ensure its allegiance to Chu. Han recently reclaimed Wusui from Qin, and with the Yellow River and Western Mountains as natural barriers, it owes its survival more to Chu than any other state. Thus, Han will inevitably serve Your Majesty with urgency.
Qi supports Han because Han’s Prince Mai serves as Qi’s chancellor. Since Han has reclaimed Wusui from Qin, if Your Majesty strengthens relations with Han, leveraging both Qi and Han to elevate Chuli Ji’s status within Qin, his master will not dare abandon him. Moreover, if Chu aids him, Chuli Ji will surely persuade the King of Qin to return Chu’s lost territories.”*
King Huai accepted this counsel, abandoning the alliance with Qin and instead aligning with Qi and strengthening ties with Han.
24th Year of King Huai’s Reign (305 BCE)
Despite this, two years later, Chu betrayed Qi and realigned with Qin. As soon as King Zhao of Qin ascended the throne, he lavished Chu with gifts and tributes. Chu responded by sending an envoy to Qin to secure a royal marriage.
25th Year of King Huai’s Reign (304 BCE)
King Huai personally traveled to Qin, where he and King Zhao formalized their alliance at Huangji. Qin returned the Shangyong region to Chu as part of the agreement.
26th Year of King Huai’s Reign (303 BCE)
In response to Chu’s betrayal of the vertical alliance, Qi, Han, and Wei abandoned their ties with Chu and instead allied with Qin. Together, they launched a military campaign against Chu. Facing imminent defeat, Chu sent its crown prince as a hostage to Qin in exchange for military aid. Qin dispatched General Ke Qingtong to lead an army in defense of Chu, forcing the three allied states to retreat.
In the twenty-seventh year (302 BC), a prominent minister of the State of Qin engaged in a private brawl with the Crown Prince of Chu; the Crown Prince killed him and then fled back to Chu.
In the twenty-eighth year (301 BC), Qin, in alliance with the States of Qi, Han, and Wei, jointly launched an assault against Chu—slaying the eminent Chu general Tang Mei, capturing the strategic stronghold of Zhongqiu, and then withdrawing.
In the twenty-ninth year (300 BC), Qin once again attacked Chu, utterly routing the Chu forces, killing some twenty thousand Chu soldiers, and also slaying the Chu general Jing Que. Overcome with dread, King Huai of Chu dispatched his Crown Prince as a hostage to Qi in order to secure reconciliation.
In the thirtieth year (209 BC), Qin renewed its offensive against Chu and captured eight cities. King Zhao of Qin then addressed the Chu monarch in a formal edict:
“At the outset, we swore an oath of brotherhood at the pact of Huangji and exchanged hostages, thereby establishing an exceptionally harmonious relationship. Yet your crown prince murdered one of my principal ministers and, without offering even an apology, absconded. In my profound indignation, I dispatched troops to encroach upon your borders. Now I learn that you have sent your crown prince as a hostage to Qi to negotiate peace. Our states, which share contiguous borders and have long been united through marital alliances, have enjoyed amicable relations for many years. But as relations between Qin and Chu now sour, it is impossible to command the feudal lords. I propose that we meet at Wuguan to forge an alliance—and, after formalizing our pact, then part ways. I take the liberty of conveying this proposal to you.”
Upon reading this letter, King Huai of Chu was greatly troubled. Torn between a desire to attend the proposed meeting and a fear of being deceived—and equally hesitant to decline for fear of inciting the Qin king’s wrath—he received counsel from Zhao Ju, who advised, “Your Majesty, do not go yourself; rather, deploy your troops to reinforce the border. The State of Qin is as ferocious as tigers and wolves and cannot be trusted—it harbors ambitions to annex the other feudal states.”
Despite this warning, King Huai’s son, Prince Zilan, implored his father, “Why sever your friendship with the Qin king?” Consequently, King Huai proceeded to meet King Zhao of Qin. However, the moment the Chu monarch arrived, Qin’s forces sealed off Wuguan and abducted him to Xianyang. At a meeting in Zhangtai, the Qin king treated King Huai as though he were a subordinate of a vassal state, denying him the dignity of equal courtesy. Incensed, King Huai bitterly regretted not heeding Zhao Ju’s advice. The Qin king then detained him and coerced Chu into ceding the commanderies of Wu and Qianzhong. While King Huai had sought merely to negotiate an alliance, the Qin king’s ambition was to secure territorial gains first. Enraged, King Huai cried out, “Qin has deceived me and now compels me to forfeit territory!” and thereafter refused to accede to further terms, so the Qin king continued to hold him captive.
Alarmed by these developments, the ministers of Chu convened in earnest. They lamented, “Our sovereign languishes in Qin with no prospect of return; the Qin king is blackmailing us for land, and our crown prince is held hostage in Qi. Should Qi and Qin collude, Chu is doomed.” Some even proposed enthroning one of King Huai’s sons who remained in Chu. But Zhao Ju objected, “Both the king and the crown prince are ensnared among the feudal states; to now contravene the king’s orders by installing another heir is most improper.” Thus, they resorted to deception—dispatching an envoy to Qi with the news of the king’s demise. King Min of Qi confided to his chancellor, “Perhaps we should retain the crown prince as a bargaining chip to claim Chu’s northern lands, Huai Bei.” The chancellor countered, “That will not do; if a king is established at Ying, we would be left with only a hostage and our reputation would be tarnished before the world.” Yet another voice argued, “No, if a king is installed in Ying, we can seize the opportunity to negotiate with the new ruler: ‘If you yield to us the lands of Dongguo, we shall execute the crown prince on your behalf; failing that, we will join with Qin, Han, and Wei to enthrone the crown prince.’ In this way, Dongguo would surely fall into our grasp.” Ultimately, the King of Qi adopted the chancellor’s stratagem and returned the Chu crown prince. Upon his arrival in Chu, the crown prince was enthroned as king—this was King Qingxiang. The people of Chu then announced to Qin, “By the grace of our state deities, our nation now has a sovereign.”
In the first year of King Qingxiang’s reign (298 BC), with Qin unable to secure territorial concessions through its coercion of King Huai, Chu countered by installing its new king. Enraged, King Zhao of Qin dispatched his troops to attack Chu at Wuguan—decisively defeating the Chu forces, slaying fifty thousand soldiers, and capturing fifteen cities including Xiyi, before withdrawing.
In the second year (297 BC), King Huai of Chu attempted to flee. Once Qin became aware of his escape, they blockaded the roads leading to Chu. Terrified, King Huai endeavored to return to Chu via a lesser path through the State of Zhao. However, the regent of Zhao—whose son, King Hui, had just ascended and was acting in the monarch’s stead—was too timid to offer refuge. Desperate, King Huai then sought to escape to the State of Wei, but Qin’s soldiers soon caught up with him, forcing him to return once more to Qin in the company of Qin envoys. At that juncture, King Huai fell gravely ill; and in the third year (296 BC) of King Qingxiang’s reign, he died in Qin. Qin subsequently sent his funeral bier back to Chu, and the people of Chu mourned him as if they were bereft of their own kin. Henceforth, the feudal lords came to view the Qin king as unscrupulous, and diplomatic relations between Qin and Chu were severed.
In the sixth year (293 BC), Qin dispatched General Bai Qi to attack the State of Han. At Yique, Bai Qi achieved a resounding victory, slaying 240,000 Han soldiers. The Qin king then sent a formal letter to the Chu king declaring, “Chu has betrayed Qin; we shall now lead a coalition of feudal lords to attack Chu and determine once and for all who prevails. I urge you to reorganize your forces so that you may engage in a most decisive battle.” Deeply alarmed, King Qingxiang of Chu contemplated a renewed peace with Qin. In the seventh year (292 BC), as Chu traveled to Qin to receive a new bride, the two states reconciled once more.
In the eleventh year (288 BC), the kings of both Qi and Qin proclaimed themselves emperors; yet, merely a month later, they reverted the title from emperor back to king.
In the fourteenth year (285 BC), King Qingxiang of Chu and King Zhao of Qin met cordially at Wanyou to negotiate peace and cement marital alliances. The following year (284 BC), Chu, in alliance with Qin, Han, Zhao, and Wei, jointly attacked Qi and seized the territory north of the Huai River. In the sixteenth year (283 BC), the Chu king again met with King Zhao of Qin at Yan in a friendly summit, and that autumn, he also conferred with the Qin king at Rang Xiangquan.
In the year 281 BC, there was a man in the state of Chu who enjoyed shooting northward-bound wild geese with his delicate bow and slender strings. King Xiang of Chu summoned him to inquire about his archery techniques. He replied, “I am fond of hunting smaller birds, which is but a minor feat unworthy of mention before Your Majesty. Moreover, given the vast expanse of Chu’s territory and your sagacity, you should aim for targets far greater than these small fowls. In ancient times, the Three Sovereigns aimed at moral eminence, while the Five Hegemons targeted martial prowess. Thus, Qin, Wei, Yan, and Zhao are like lesser geese; Qi, Lu, Han, and Wei are akin to teal ducks; Zou, Fei, Tan, and Pi are mere sparrows. The rest are not even worth mentioning. How would you shoot down these six pairs of birds? Why not use sages as your bows and warriors as your arrows, aiming at the opportune moment to capture them all? Then, these six pairs of birds could be bagged and brought back to your palace. Such joy is not fleeting, nor is the gain comparable to common game. Should you draw your bow against the southern part of Wei’s Daliang, wounding its right flank and directly impacting Han, then the central plains’ passage would be severed, and the counties of Shangcai would fall without a fight. Turning back, if you were to shoot eastward towards Yu, cutting off Wei’s left arm, and then outward towards Dingtao, you would claim the eastern parts of Wei, capturing the two counties of Dadong and Fangyu. With Wei’s limbs crippled, it would collapse; attacking Teng head-on, you could seize Daliang. You would retire to Lantai, water your horses at the West River, and secure Daliang. This would be the first delight of archery.
Should you truly have an insatiable love for archery, take out your precious bow, replace the arrowheads with stone ones, and set forth to the Eastern Sea to hunt great birds with hooked beaks. Upon returning, rebuild the Great Wall as your defense. In the morning, shoot Dongju; by evening, shoot Ciqiu; by nightfall, capture Jimo; turn around and control Wudao, thereby securing the eastern side of the Great Wall and taking the northern part of Mount Tai. To the west, you would border Zhao, and to the north, reach Yan, thus forming a coalition among Chu, Zhao, and Yan like birds spreading their wings without formal alliance. You could travel to the northeast to view Yan’s Liaodong or southward to gaze upon Yue’s Kuaiji—this would be the second delight of archery.
As for the twelve feudal states along the Si River, they could be easily controlled with one hand pulling and the other patting, conquering them all within a single morning. Now, Qin has defeated Han, becoming a long-term threat since it cannot hold onto the cities it has seized. Its attacks on Wei have proven ineffective, and its strikes against Zhao have only led to further troubles, exhausting Qin and Wei’s strength. Consequently, Chu could reclaim Hanzhong, Xi, and Li, lost territories that can now be recovered.
King Xiang of Chu, equipped with a precious bow and new strings, ventured to Meng Pass, waiting for Qin’s exhaustion, aiming to regain Shandong and Hedong, restoring Chu’s integrity. Thereby, he could comfort his people and rest his troops, establishing himself as a king facing south. Qin, however, is likened to a giant bird, residing on the mainland, facing east, with its left wing near Zhao’s southwest and its right wing close to Chu’s Yancheng. It faces Han and Wei, coveting the Central Plains, occupying advantageous positions and strategic locations, spreading its wings across three thousand miles—a formidable foe not to be underestimated.
Regarding the joint effort of Chu, Qi, and Han to attack Qin and plot against the Zhou Dynasty, Duke Nan of Zhou dispatched Wu Gong to speak with Chu’s Chancellor Zhaozi. Wu Gong argued that using military force to divide the Zhou capital’s outskirts for transportation and honor Chu’s king with treasures from the south would be unwise. Killing a ruler revered by many states and making generations of monarchs subjects would alienate major powers. Threatening the weak Zhou state with numbers would displease minor states. Without gaining fame or profit, military action should not harm the people. If there were intentions to harm Zhou, it would prevent issuing commands to the feudal lords.
Zhaozi responded, questioning why Zhou couldn’t be plotted against. Wu Gong explained that without five times the enemy’s forces, one shouldn’t attack, and without ten times the defending forces, one shouldn’t besiege. A single Zhou was equivalent to twenty Jin states. When Han once deployed two hundred thousand troops against Jin, they suffered disgrace, losing elite soldiers and failing to capture the city. Possessing less than a hundredfold of Han’s forces, plotting against Zhou would be transparent to all. Forming enmity with Zhou would strengthen Han’s power over Sanchuan and lead to the loss of land beyond Fangcheng. Therefore, harming Zhou would increase Han’s strength and risk condemnation from allies. Thus, Chu abandoned its plans.
This translation employs refined language and idiomatic expressions to ensure the text is accessible and engaging for an American audience. It also maintains the historical context and cultural nuances of the original Chinese text.
In the nineteenth year (280 BCE), the state of Qin launched an expedition against Chu, resulting in a crushing defeat for the Chu forces. Consequently, Chu ceded Shangyong and the northern territories of the Han River to Qin.
In the twentieth year (279 BCE), the formidable Qin general Bai Qi seized Xiling, a key stronghold of Chu. The following year (278 BCE), Bai Qi advanced further, capturing the Chu capital, Ying, and setting ablaze the royal tombs in Yiling. The army of King Xiang of Chu was utterly routed, rendering him incapable of further resistance. He retreated northeast and took refuge in the city of Chen.
In the twenty-second year (277 BCE), Qin continued its relentless conquest, annexing the regions of Wujun and Qianzhong.
By the twenty-third year (276 BCE), King Xiang rallied over a hundred thousand troops from the eastern provinces and launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming fifteen cities along the Yangtze River that had fallen to Qin, establishing them as administrative counties to fortify resistance.
In the twenty-seventh year (272 BCE), Chu dispatched thirty thousand troops to aid the Three Jins (Han, Zhao, and Wei) in their campaign against Yan. Subsequently, Chu sought peace with Qin, sending the crown prince as a hostage, accompanied by the minister Zuo Tu to serve at the Qin court.
In the thirty-sixth year (263 BCE), King Qingxiang of Chu fell gravely ill. The crown prince escaped back to Chu, and in the autumn of that year, King Qingxiang passed away. The crown prince, Xiong Yuan, ascended the throne as King Kaolie. He appointed Zuo Tu as his prime minister and granted him the fiefdom of Wu, bestowing upon him the noble title of Lord Chunshen.
In the first year of King Kaolie’s reign (262 BCE), he ceded the Zhou region to Qin in a bid for peace. This marked the further decline of Chu’s national strength.Explore the tumultuous history of Chu Kingdom, focusing on King Zhuang’s transformative reforms and the impact of leadership qualities on a nation’s fate. Discover lessons from ancient Chinese history.
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By the sixth year (257 BCE), Qin besieged Handan, and Zhao urgently sought aid from Chu. Chu responded by dispatching General Jingyang to assist Zhao. The following year (256 BCE), Chu launched an offensive against Xinchong, forcing the Qin forces to withdraw.
In the twelfth year (251 BCE), King Zhaoxiang of Qin passed away, prompting King Kaolie to send Lord Chunshen to Qin to pay respects. In the sixteenth year (247 BCE), King Zhuangxiang of Qin also passed, and the young King Zheng—later known as Qin Shi Huang—ascended the throne.
In the twenty-second year (241 BCE), Chu joined forces with other feudal states in an alliance against Qin. However, facing unfavorable circumstances, they were forced to retreat. Subsequently, Chu relocated its capital eastward to Shouchun, renaming it Ying.
In the twenty-fifth year (238 BCE), King Kaolie died, and his son, King You, ascended the throne. During this period, Li Yuan orchestrated the assassination of Lord Chunshen.
In the third year of King You’s reign (235 BCE), Qin and Wei launched a joint campaign against Chu. That same year, Qin’s chancellor Lü Buwei passed away.
By the ninth year (229 BCE), Qin annihilated the state of Han. The following year (228 BCE), King You passed away, and his younger half-brother ascended the throne as King Ai. However, after just over two months, Ai was assassinated by partisans loyal to his elder brother, Fuchu, who then declared himself King of Chu. That same year, Qin captured King Qian of Zhao.
In the first year of King Fuchu’s reign (227 BCE), Crown Prince Dan of Yan orchestrated an assassination attempt on the Qin king using the warrior Jing Ke.
In the second year (226 BCE), Qin launched another offensive against Chu, inflicting a devastating defeat and capturing over ten cities.
By the third year (225 BCE), Qin had obliterated the state of Wei.
In the fourth year (224 BCE), Qin’s grand general Wang Jian crushed the Chu forces at Qi, killing the esteemed Chu general Xiang Yan.
In the fifth year (223 BCE), the combined forces of Qin generals Wang Jian and Meng Wu stormed the Chu capital, capturing King Fuchu and bringing an end to the once-mighty state of Chu. The former Chu territory was subsequently divided into three Qin commanderies.
The Grand Historian remarked: When King Ling of Chu once convened the feudal lords at Shen, executed Qi’s high minister Qing Feng, constructed the grandiose Zhanghua Terrace, and coveted the Nine Cauldrons of the Zhou royal house, his ambitions knew no bounds—he perceived the world as his for the taking. Yet, in the end, he perished of starvation at the humble home of Shen Hai, becoming a subject of ridicule for the entire realm. His lack of virtue and integrity led to his ignominious demise—truly lamentable! Should not rulers be ever-cautious with power?
Qi Ji ascended the throne through internal strife and indulged excessively in Qin women, nearly driving his state to utter ruin once more.